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The future of the LIV Golf series hangs in the balance after Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund (PIF) signaled a possible withdrawal of its multi‑billion‑dollar support. Executives were summoned to a high‑stakes meeting in New York this week, a development that follows growing speculation that the rebel tour could be shut down. While the fifth season’s sixth event in Mexico City is set to proceed on Thursday, the tournament is being eclipsed by reports that PIF intends to cut the tour’s funding. The tour has already faced challenges securing a merger with the PGA Tour despite a three‑year “framework agreement,” and the funding pull would exacerbate its financial strain. According to the PIF’s newly released five‑year economic strategy, the fund is prioritising sustainable domestic investments and has omitted sport from its seven key focus areas. This shift signals a move away from the “free‑spending, disruptive internationalism” that characterised the launch of LIV Golf in 2021. Since its inception, PIF has poured over $5 bn into the tour, but this year prize money and bonus payouts have already been slashed. High‑profile players such as Phil Mickelson, Dustin Johnson, Jon Rahm, Sergio García and Bryson DeChambeau initially defected from the PGA and DP World Tours, yet recent defections back to the PGA—including Brooks Koepka and Patrick Reed—highlight the tour’s precarious position. DeChambeau has yet to sign a new contract. A source familiar with the Saudi Ministry of Sports confirmed that the fund is redirecting its sports budget toward football and esports, with golf no longer a priority. The same source noted that PIF is ending its partnership with the Women’s Tennis Association, and the three‑year WTA Finals deal in Riyadh will not be renewed after its November expiry. The rumours ignited on Tuesday after journalist Ryan French posted on X that multiple sources warned of a “bombshell announcement” on LIV’s future, later suggesting the tour might be shutting down. LIV officials and players have not received any formal update. In Mexico, Sergio García told reporters they have only heard the same message from PIF chief Yasir al‑Rumayyan at the start of the year: that the project is a long‑term commitment, and that rumours are inevitable. Technical glitches, including an alleged power failure at the venue, forced the cancellation of pre‑tournament press conferences on Tuesday. Nevertheless, the pro‑am competition resumed on Wednesday at 8:30 a.m. local time, indicating that day‑to‑day operations continue despite the uncertainty. The outcome of the New York meeting could determine whether LIV Golf survives as a viable alternative to traditional tours or becomes another casualty of shifting Saudi investment priorities.

Bayern Munich have secured a spot in the Champions League semi-finals after a dramatic quarter-final encounter against Real Madrid. The German side triumphed 3-2 on aggregate, with Luis Díaz and Michael Olise scoring crucial late goals to seal their victory.The match at the Allianz Arena was an electrifying contest that saw both teams create numerous chances. Real Madrid's Arda Guler had given his side an early lead with a stunning 40-yard free-kick, only for Aleksandar Pavlovic to equalize for Bayern.The tie was locked at 2-2 on aggregate heading into the final 20 minutes, but Eduardo Camavinga's red card for Real Madrid shifted the momentum in Bayern's favor. Díaz broke the deadlock with a 20-yard strike that deflected off Éder Militão, before Olise curled in a sublime winner just before the close.Real Madrid's manager, Álvaro Arbeloa, expressed his frustration with the referee's decision to send off Camavinga, stating that it was 'unbelievable' and 'unfair' to penalize his player in such a crucial match.This victory sets up a semi-final clash between Bayern Munich and Paris Saint-Germain, a tie that promises to be just as thrilling. For Real Madrid, their disappointing season continues, with no silverware to show for their efforts.

Just a decade ago, cord‑cutters imagined a utopia where any game could be streamed on any device for a single, affordable price. Today, that vision has morphed into a bewildering web of platforms, blackouts and fees that strain even the most devoted fans. Major League Baseball illustrates the chaos. The Yankees’ local market now requires fans to juggle seven different providers, from traditional broadcasters to Apple TV and niche apps. A season‑long Gotham Sports App pass costs $119.99, while Amazon’s Prime Video charges $14.99 per month (or $139 annually) for exclusive rights to 21 Wednesday games. Netflix, at $19.99 per month, aired the opening‑night matchup between the Yankees and Giants. Adding these together, a die‑hard fan could face a bill of roughly $800 to watch every Yankees game this year, according to a calculation by The Athletic. Even Apple’s own streaming chief, Eddy Cue, admitted the market has regressed: “You used to buy one subscription, your cable subscription, and you got pretty much everything they had. Now, there’s so many different subscriptions, so I think that needs to be fixed.” MLB commissioner Rob Manfred proposes centralising local rights by 2028, hoping to curb the splintered landscape. Yet legacy broadcasters and tech giants continue to chase lucrative deals. The NBA’s recent 11‑year, $76 billion media contract with Disney/ESPN, Amazon and NBC underscores how high the stakes have become. Rights fees are increasingly volatile. ESPN reportedly paid $550 million annually for Sunday Night Baseball, only to see MLB strike a $10 million per‑year deal with Roku for the same slot. Netflix is said to spend $50 million per season for three years to air marquee events such as Opening Night and the Home Run Derby. The NFL, the most valuable league, embraces fragmentation as a revenue strategy, distributing games across CBS, Fox, NBC, ESPN/ABC, Prime Video, the NFL Network, YouTube and Netflix. By packaging boutique game bundles for streamers, the league extracts “significantly more money” beyond its core media rights. Beyond cost, the viewer experience is eroding. In‑game advertising now blankets pitches and ice rinks, while “hydration breaks” at the World Cup will feature mandatory ad slots. Streamers counter with ad‑free premium tiers, but those come at a premium comparable to airline baggage fees. Financial pressures are evident. Peacock added 44 million paying subscribers in Q4 2025, yet reported a staggering $552 million loss, largely due to expensive NBA and NFL rights. Dazn, another global sports streamer, has accumulated billions in operating losses since launch. Industry analysts warn that over‑commercialisation could alienate casual viewers, especially younger audiences with shrinking attention spans who prefer short‑form clips on platforms like TikTok. As Anthony Palomba of the University of Virginia notes, “The prospect of watching a three‑hour game versus getting bite‑sized highlights on TikTok is difficult.” Data‑driven, AI‑powered programmatic ads promise higher monetisation, turning moments—like Steph Curry’s game‑winning three‑pointer—into instant shopping opportunities. Amazon, for example, leverages its ecosystem to track the full consumer journey from view to purchase. One potential remedy is a consolidated “one‑stop‑shop” that bundles multiple sports feeds, aiming to reverse the so‑called “enshittification” of streaming services—a term coined by Cory Doctorow to describe platforms that sacrifice quality for profit. While nostalgia for the era of a single cable package persists, experts caution against romanticising the past. As former NBA commentator Jon Lewis observes, “The old days were complicated in their own ways; today’s challenge is to balance revenue with a sustainable, fan‑friendly experience.”

The biggest public backer of World Liberty Financial, the crypto venture co‑founded by the Trump family, has publicly accused the firm of embedding a covert "backdoor blacklisting" feature that allows it to freeze token holdings at will. On Sunday, blockchain entrepreneur Justin Sun posted on X, alleging that World Liberty’s smart contracts for the WLFI token contain a tool that can unilaterally freeze, restrict, or confiscate any user’s assets without cause or recourse. Sun did not provide evidence, but said his own wallet was locked in September, making him the "first and single largest victim" of the alleged mechanism. World Liberty responded on X, stating, "We have the contracts. We have the evidence. We have the truth. See you in court, pal," and directed observers to its own posts for clarification. The company’s official risk disclosures do note that it may block or freeze addresses deemed linked to illegal activity or terms violations – a practice also employed by other crypto issuers such as Tether. Sun, who invested tens of millions of dollars in WLFI and later increased his stake to at least $75 million according to his 2025 posts, has not shared the purported blockchain records that supposedly show his wallet being blacklisted by a single administrative account. World Liberty, launched in 2024, claimed it would empower small investors through a decentralized‑finance app that has yet to launch. Reuters analysis indicated the venture generated **more than $460 million** for the Trump family in the first half of 2025. In March, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission settled a 2023 lawsuit against Sun for $10 million, alleging fraud and the sale of unregistered crypto securities. Sun made no admission of wrongdoing. The dispute highlights the murky regulatory environment for crypto in the United States, where the SEC has limited jurisdiction and has declined to comment on the legality of token‑freezing practices.

Negotiations between Washington and Tehran are expected to resume in Islamabad within days, placing President Donald Trump under intense pressure to deliver an Iran accord that can be credibly billed as superior to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) brokered by former President Barack Obama. Two tests dominate the diplomatic calculus: the deal must demonstrably exceed the Obama agreement, and it must ensure that Iran derives no lasting strategic advantage, particularly over the vital Strait of Hormuz. While direct comparisons with the 159‑page JCPOA are imperfect—given the evolution of Iran’s nuclear program and the emergence of non‑nuclear concerns—the Trump team is framing its objectives around four pivotal issues. 1. Enrichment suspension: In Geneva on 26 February, the U.S. demanded a 10‑year freeze on all domestic uranium enrichment, a figure Iran’s foreign minister deemed unrealistic beyond three years. In Islamabad, the U.S. escalated the ask to a 20‑year suspension, yet Trump publicly dismissed even that, insisting on a permanent ban. The practical timeline for Iran to restart enrichment after the damage to its facilities remains uncertain. 2. Highly enriched uranium (HEU) stockpile: The original JCPOA capped uranium enrichment at 3.65% and limited the stockpile to 300 kg. Iran now holds 440.9 kg of 60%‑enriched uranium—a material that can be rapidly converted to weapons‑grade (90%)—mostly stored as UF₆ gas in scuba‑tank‑sized canisters. Tehran offered to down‑blend this stockpile to 3.67% in an irreversible process, mirroring the 2015 deal’s provisions. The U.S., however, is pressing for the entire stockpile to be removed from Iran under American supervision, a stance that raises questions about the relative merits of in‑country down‑blending versus export. 3. Sanctions relief: The JCPOA promised the release of roughly $100 billion in frozen Iranian assets and the lifting of oil trade restrictions, while retaining sanctions on terrorism, human rights, and missile proliferation. In the Geneva framework, over 80% of sanctions would be lifted, leaving only human‑rights‑related measures. Trump’s administration, wary of political backlash, seeks to attach conditions on how Iran can spend the relief, a demand Tehran rejects, insisting on a permanent, irreversible lifting of sanctions. 4. Non‑nuclear issues: Trump has repeatedly criticized the JCPOA for isolating Iran’s nuclear program from its broader regional behavior. The current negotiations must grapple with Iran’s ballistic‑missile program, support for proxy forces, and the strategic future of the Strait of Hormuz. Iranian officials are divided: one camp favors leveraging the strait for immediate revenue and national pride, while another views it as a diplomatic lever to secure a lasting ceasefire and security guarantees. The confluence of these challenges creates a “marshmallow test” for both sides—whether they can forgo short‑term temptations in favor of a durable, long‑term settlement. As the Trump presidency approaches its final year, the ability to craft a deal that convincingly outperforms the Obama era while addressing the expanded nuclear and geopolitical landscape will determine the legacy of U.S. policy on Iran and its impact on regional stability.

Sir Craig Reedie, who has died aged 84, was a pivotal figure in London's successful bid to stage the 2012 Olympics. As a member of the London Organising Committee for the Olympic Games from 2005 to 2013, he formed a highly effective partnership with Sebastian Coe, the bid leader, doing crucial work behind the scenes to secure the Games for London.Reedie's diplomatic skills and influential presence within the Olympic and Paralympic movement were instrumental in winning the support of British politicians and marshalling the votes of Olympic delegates. Coe credited Reedie with playing a vital role in London's bid success, saying that without his efforts, London might never have won the right to host the 2012 Games.Reedie's commitment to drug-free competition was unwavering. He was a founder board member of the World Anti-Doping Agency (Wada) in 2000 and served as its president from 2014 to 2019. During his tenure, he clashed with the then IOC president Thomas Bach over Russia's state-sponsored doping regime, ultimately leading to Wada banning Russia from all international competition in 2019.Reedie's sports career began as a leading badminton player. He later became president of the International Badminton Federation and successfully campaigned for the sport's inclusion in the Olympics. His administrative work in badminton led to his appointment as chair of the British Olympic Association (BOA) and later as a member of the International Olympic Committee (IOC), where he served as vice-president from 2012 to 2016.Throughout his career, Reedie was known for his tough but charming demeanor, earning him respect from his peers. He was knighted in 2006 and elevated to knight grand cross in 2018. The Sir Craig Reedie Badminton Centre in Glasgow was renamed in his honor in 2014.

When the U.S. men’s national team (USMNT) arrived in France for the 1998 World Cup, 16 Major League Soccer (MLS) players featured in the 22‑man squad – a deliberate move by the fledgling league to showcase its talent after its 1996 launch.Since that high point, the MLS presence has steadily receded: the 2002 quarter‑final run averaged 5.4 MLS starters per match, 2006 fell to 3.33, 2010 to 2, and the 2022 tournament saw only oneno MLS players at all, a first since the league’s inception.The 2014 World Cup in Brazil was an outlier, with an average of 4.75 MLS starters across four matches. That spike reflected a brief MLS push to lure high‑profile Americans – Clint Dempsey from Tottenham and Michael Bradley from Roma – back to Seattle and Toronto.Looking ahead to the 2026 World Cup on home soil, the realistic outlook is that only two MLS players could start: goalkeeper Matt Freese (NYC FC) or, less likely, Matt Turner (New England Revolution), alongside veteran defender Tim Ream (Charlotte FC). Even head coach Mauricio Pochettino’s favored midfielder Diego Luna (Real Salt Lake) is unlikely to displace established stars such as Christian Pulisic, Weston McKennie or Malik Tillman.This contraction raises the question of whether the World Cup serves as a referendum on MLS’s quality. With the tournament split between the United States and Canada, the scarcity of MLS starters will be starkly visible, yet it does not mean the league’s influence has vanished.Indeed, the league’s impact now lies in its academy pipeline. Of the 27 players the Guardian’s US soccer desk identified as “on the squad” or “in contention,” 19 were products of MLS academies – up from 16 in the 2022 roster. Including Tim Weah’s brief stint with the New York Red Bulls youth set‑up would raise that figure to 20.The only non‑academy players are dual nationals who grew up abroad, with the notable exception of Christian Pulisic, who left the U.S. as a teenager to develop at Borussia Dortmund.Unlike 2014, MLS has not supplied any established national‑team regulars for the 2026 campaign (aside from Toronto FC’s Josh Sargent, whose World Cup chances appear slim). Consequently, American fans may not see the tournament’s stars on their local MLS pitches, a factor that could challenge fan‑base growth.Nevertheless, this aligns with MLS’s long‑term strategy: investing in the development of domestic youth and promising talent from the wider hemisphere rather than chasing marquee signings. The forthcoming USMNT may lack a pronounced MLS imprint on the field, but its DNA will still be rooted in the league’s developmental system.

The literary world was recently abuzz with the news that critically acclaimed author Helen DeWitt had declined a $175,000 Windham-Campbell prize due to its onerous promotional requirements. The prize, which aims to give recipients the financial freedom to focus on their work, came with obligations that DeWitt found unsustainable, including six to eight hours of filming.This decision has ignited a fierce debate about the pressures of self-promotion in the publishing industry and the challenges faced by authors who are unable to meet these demands due to disability, chronic illness, or other personal circumstances. DeWitt's stance has been praised by some as a principled refusal to play the self-promotion game, while others have criticized her as entitled or spoiled.The Windham-Campbell prize is one of the most prestigious literary awards, recognizing eight writers each year for their life's work. This year's winners include Gwendoline Riley, an author known for her nuanced explorations of family relationships. Riley's win is a testament to the prize's ability to shine a light on talented writers who may have been overlooked.The controversy surrounding DeWitt's decision highlights the precarious nature of a literary career. With average author earnings plummeting and the industry becoming increasingly professionalized, many writers are finding it difficult to make a living from their work. The emphasis on self-promotion can be particularly challenging for authors who are neurodivergent or have disabilities, as it can exacerbate existing difficulties.DeWitt's experience has sparked a wider conversation about the need for greater inclusivity and support in the publishing industry. As one author noted, the art world is ahead of publishing in terms of facilitating access and assistance for artists with disabilities. The industry must adapt to accommodate writers with diverse needs and ensure that opportunities are accessible to all, regardless of their abilities.In a surprising twist, DeWitt has since announced that she has received a $175,000 grant from a conservative university thinktank with no strings attached. This development has raised questions about the role of philanthropy in supporting literary talent and the complexities of author promotion in the modern publishing landscape.

The Brexit debate has taken a significant turn, with Keir Starmer's government now openly acknowledging the need for closer ties with the EU. This shift in approach comes as the UK faces increasing global uncertainty, including Vladimir Putin's territorial aggression, Donald Trump's geopolitical vandalism, and China's emergence as a superpower.In opposition, Starmer had pushed Brexit to the margin of debate. However, in government, he has learned that Europe is central to Britain's interests, whether discussed or not. The avoidance of painful arguments from the past has turned out to be a handicap when making plans for the future.Labour's 2024 general election manifesto had pretended that Brexit was a historical event, something Boris Johnson got 'done' in 2020. However, the relationship with the EU cannot be settled due to its evolving nature and the UK's position as an ex-member on its border.The options are now more Brexit or less, never a steady state. Johnson's Brexit deal was structured to accelerate separation over time, with the theory that divergence from EU rules would give Britain a competitive advantage. However, this Eurosceptic fantasy has been exposed as wrong, with the UK now seeking to put Johnson's divergence ratchet into reverse.Downing Street's acceptance of this logic has been flagged by a gradual change in rhetoric, with the prime minister now listing Brexit as an affliction in the same category as the Covid pandemic. The chancellor, Rachel Reeves, identifies closer integration with Europe as 'the biggest prize' in a dash for growth.To facilitate a more intimate relationship, the government proposes legislation that will give ministers open-ended powers to adopt EU standards for various sectors of the economy. This 'dynamic alignment' is supposed to make it easier for businesses to move goods into the single market and make Britain a more attractive destination for investment.However, the Conservatives and Reform UK are appalled, objecting to the circumvention of future legislative scrutiny by the use of so-called Henry VIII powers. The real grievance is the old ideological one, equating any application of single market rules to colonisation by Brussels.As Starmer tries to go in this direction, he will collide with familiar Brexit obstacles. The European Commission will insist there can be no 'cherrypicking' from the single market; that non-member states wanting to enjoy the benefits of a European club can expect to pay subscription fees into European budgets.Opinion polls routinely show a clear majority of voters think Brexit has gone badly. The logic of pooling resources with continental neighbours can only grow in the light of wildfires started by Trump along the international horizon.Starmer knows these conditions permit a more assertive agenda of EU integration. However, it is hard to take bolder strides within red lines – no free movement; no single market membership; no customs union – drawn when Labour's Europe policy was defined by the preference to change the subject.