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The Israeli Knesset approved a bill on Monday that makes the death penalty the standard sentence for Palestinians found guilty of terrorism‑related murders in the occupied West Bank, while excluding Jewish extremists from the same punishment. Volker Türk, the UN high commissioner for human rights, warned that the law is "patently inconsistent" with Israel’s obligations under international law and could constitute a war crime when applied to residents of the occupied territories. Türk stressed that the proposal raises “serious concerns about due‑process violations” and is “deeply discriminatory,” urging the Israeli government to repeal it without delay. He added that its selective application would amount to “an especially egregious breach of international law.” European officials have joined the criticism. An EU spokesperson described the bill as “a clear step backwards” and highlighted its discriminatory nature. Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez called the measure “asymmetric” and likened it to a move toward apartheid, while Germany’s foreign ministry said it could not endorse a law that “rejects the fundamental principle of opposing the death penalty.” The legislation stipulates that anyone sentenced to death will be held in a separate facility, barred from family visits, and allowed legal counsel only via video link. Executions are to be carried out within 90 days of sentencing, with hanging identified as the method of execution. The bill also removes the requirement for a prosecutor’s request and permits a simple majority vote in military courts to impose the death sentence. Israel has applied capital punishment only twice since its establishment, most recently in 1962 when Adolf Eichmann was executed. The bill’s strongest political backer, National Security Minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir, has publicly displayed a noose‑shaped lapel pin, symbolising the proposed executions. Human‑rights organisations have warned that the law entrenches a two‑tiered justice system. Adam Coogle of Human Rights Watch said the measure “entrenches discrimination and a two‑tiered system of justice, both hallmarks of apartheid,” while Oxfam’s Shaista Aziz warned that it “effectively ensures that the death penalty will apply only to Palestinians, even as the occupation sees a surge in violence against them.” Within Israel, the bill faces legal opposition. Several human‑rights groups and three Knesset members have filed petitions with the Supreme Court, arguing that the law creates parallel legal tracks that target Palestinians and should be struck down on constitutional grounds.

US President Donald Trump has stated that his 'preference would be to take the oil' in Iran, sparking concerns about the potential for a US invasion or occupation of the country. Iran is one of the world's biggest oil producers, holding around 24 percent of the Middle East's and 12 percent of the world's proven oil reserves, with about 157 billion barrels of proven crude oil.The Trump administration has threatened to target Iran's energy infrastructure, including oil wells, if Tehran does not reopen the Strait of Hormuz, which has been under a de facto Iranian blockade for weeks, triggering a global energy crisis. The US has also unveiled plans to prepare for limited ground operations in Iran, potentially including raids on Kharg Island and coastal sites near the Strait of Hormuz.Seizing Iranian oil would not be easy, as the US would have to occupy Iran's oil production sites and refineries, essentially occupying mainland Iran. However, if the US were to lift sanctions on Iranian oil after seizing it, it could lead to a flow of more Iranian oil into global markets, bringing down oil prices.The US-Israeli war on Iran has already sent global oil prices soaring, with benchmark Brent crude rising to more than 3 percent on Monday to $116 a barrel – the highest level in nearly two weeks. The oil price was about $65 per barrel before the war.In 2023, Iran's gross domestic product (GDP) was around $457.5bn, according to World Bank data. Iran's net oil export revenues were estimated at $53bn, equivalent to roughly 12 percent of Iran's GDP.This is not the first time the US has shown an interest in Iranian oil. In 1953, the government of Mohammad Mossadegh, Iran's first democratically elected prime minister, was toppled in a CIA-orchestrated coup after he nationalised the British-controlled firm Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC), the predecessor of modern-day BP.

Israel's parliament has passed a law that makes the death penalty the default punishment for Palestinians in the Israeli-occupied West Bank found guilty of intentionally carrying out deadly attacks deemed acts of terrorism by a military court.The legislation, initiated by the far-right Otzma Yehudit party led by Itamar Ben-Gvir, has drawn sharp criticism from opponents who warned it would mark a significant escalation in Israel's penal policy and potentially breach international law.According to the bill, those sentenced to death will be held in a separate facility with no visits except for from authorised personnel, with legal consultations conducted only by video link. Executions will be carried out within 90 days of sentencing.Israel has rarely used the death penalty, applying it only in exceptional cases. The Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann was the last person to be executed, in 1962.The measure will allow courts to impose the death penalty without a request from prosecutors and without requiring unanimity, instead permitting a simple majority decision. Military courts in the occupied West Bank will also be empowered to hand down death sentences.For Palestinians under occupation, the bill closes off avenues for appeal or clemency, while prisoners tried inside Israel could have their sentences commuted to life imprisonment.The legislation has been condemned by UN experts, the EU's diplomatic service, Amnesty International, and several countries, including Britain, France, Germany, and Italy, who expressed 'deep concern' over the legislation.The Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, condemned the legislation as a breach of international law and a doomed bid meant to intimidate Palestinians.

The possibility of US ground troops being sent into combat on Iranian soil is growing, driven by President Trump's desire to avoid being personally and politically humiliated in a war he started, mismanaged, and cannot end. Such a self-serving escalation could prove catastrophic for Trump and the American people, given the history of US military interventions in the region.Trump insists that the war is all but won, Iran is suing for peace, and talks are making good progress. However, in the real world, Iran is still fighting on all fronts, Israel is still bombing, the Strait of Hormuz remains largely closed, and the Iran-allied Houthi militia in Yemen has joined the war, attacking Israel and potentially blocking Red Sea trade routes.The US and Iran have each issued maximalist demands, but there is no sign of actual negotiations. They are even further apart than they were before Trump, egged on by Benjamin Netanyahu, abandoned diplomacy last month. Sometime soon, Trump will be forced to confront the huge gap between what he wants and what's on offer. At that point, he could turn to the troop buildup in the Gulf and order ground attacks.It's incredible to think that after all the mortal agony and anguish of Iraq and Afghanistan, a US president is once again seriously contemplating boots on the ground in the Middle East. Trump's stumped, hoist by his own petard, stuck between a rock and a hard place, and up the creek without a paddle. The creek in question is, of course, the Strait of Hormuz.Trump is increasingly isolated and out on a limb. His wealthy Arab business cronies no longer trust him. US bases on their territory now resemble a liability, not a defence. When he demanded NATO's help, Europe said: we'll let you know. Likewise, Iran's ethnic Kurds are less than keen to die for a muppet. Support for the war among the US public and the Maga right, always weak, is a fast-vanishing mirage.If Trump were to order ground attacks – both he and Netanyahu have publicly discussed the possibility – the targets would most likely be the coastal batteries, missile defences, and concealed armed speedboat bases dotting the northern flank of the Hormuz strait. An attack on the Kharg oil export terminal further up the Gulf is also predicted.The inherent, inescapable military risks are daunting. Casualties would be inevitable. Even if operations went well in the short term, questions would immediately arise about potential escalation when Iran counterattacked, expansion of the operational area, and duration of the occupation.

Islamabad has re‑emerged as a pivotal conduit between Washington and Tehran, delivering a U.S. 15‑point cease‑fire proposal on March 25, 2026, as the US‑Israeli campaign against Iran enters its second month. Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar confirmed that Pakistan is transmitting the proposal, with Turkey and Egypt offering additional diplomatic backing. Chief US negotiator Steve Witkoff later verified Pakistan’s role as a messenger, and President Donald Trump announced a 10‑day pause on planned strikes against Iranian power plants, citing a request from Tehran. Iran has denied direct talks, yet the pause marks the second deferment of Trump’s original threat, underscoring Pakistan’s function as a key diplomatic facilitator in a high‑stakes conflict. The pattern is not new. In August 1969, President Nixon tasked Pakistan’s military ruler Yahya Khan with opening a channel to Beijing. Two years later, a secret flight carried U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger from Islamabad to China, paving the way for Nixon’s historic 1972 visit and the eventual U.S. recognition of the People’s Republic of China. Analysts note that Pakistan’s unique position—maintaining working ties with both Washington and Beijing—made it the only trusted intermediary capable of handling such a sensitive mission, a view echoed by former ambassador Masood Khan. Beyond the Cold‑War episode, Pakistan has repeatedly leveraged its geography and Muslim‑world connections. It served as the primary conduit for U.S., Saudi and Chinese support to the Afghan mujahideen in the 1980s, helped broker the 1988 Geneva Accords that ended the Soviet occupation, and hosted the 2015 Murree talks between the Taliban and the Afghan government. During the 2020 Doha Agreement, Pakistani pressure on the Taliban was cited by U.S. envoy Zalmay Khalilzad as instrumental, though the rapid U.S. withdrawal and subsequent Taliban takeover left Pakistan’s long‑term interests ambiguous. Efforts to mediate Saudi‑Iran tensions have been less fruitful. In 2016, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s shuttle diplomacy failed to produce a formal agreement, and a 2019 outreach by Prime Minister Imran Khan, prompted by President Trump, yielded no concrete outcome. When China facilitated the 2023 Saudi‑Iran rapprochement, Pakistan’s foreign office claimed it had laid the groundwork, but analysts still view the result as a Chinese‑led success. Pakistan’s brief 2005 overture to Israel, led by Foreign Minister Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri, similarly collapsed under domestic opposition, illustrating the limits of its diplomatic reach when internal politics intervene. Since the launch of Operation Epic Fury—the US‑Israeli air campaign that began in late February 2026 and resulted in the death of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei—Pakistan’s leadership has intensified back‑channel activity. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has held multiple calls with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, while Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir spoke directly with President Trump. Both officials have also visited Saudi Arabia, where Pakistan signed a mutual defence pact in September 2025. Former ambassador Naghmana Hashmi observes that Pakistan’s diplomatic narrative is often eclipsed by conflict, yet a “quieter, more consistent thread” persists: the state’s effort to turn its strategic location and Muslim‑world ties into a lever for peace. Whether the current cease‑fire talks will yield a durable settlement remains uncertain. What is clear, however, is that Pakistan enjoys a rare blend of trust from Washington, Tehran and Gulf capitals—a leverage few regional actors possess.

As its title suggests, this musical about Claude Monet is full of reflections – fittingly so given the artist's preoccupation with light. In 1916, while struggling to complete The Water Lilies with cataracts, the ageing painter (Jeff Shankley) retreats into memories of his early career. His single-minded younger self (Dean John-Wilson) may be about to change art forever, but looking back, all Monet sees is the personal cost of his drive, particularly his mistreatment of his first wife, muse and mother of his children, Camille (Brooke Bazarian).For a man usually defined by his success, this alternative reflection is refreshing. Also bouncing back at Monet are his peers' struggles, the artistic establishment's dismissal of impressionism, and art's relationship to war and women. So abundant are these reflections, in fact, that Carmel Owen's ambitious book at times becomes a house of mirrors – enticing but with a distractingly split focus.There are certainly strengths, though, not least Libby Todd's set: a floor-to-ceiling jumble of empty canvases, which fill with huge impressionist paintings, vivid washes of coloured light and animated backdrops rendered in flickering brushstrokes. It's an invitation to step inside the artistic movement that favoured feeling over realism.Director Christian Durham has an accomplished cast on his hands. Shankley brings moving introspection (and a brilliant turn as a sniffy Paris salon clerk), while Bazarian and John-Wilson deliver standout singing on a stage full of mighty voices. Their connection, however, is outshone by those between young Monet and his fellow impressionist upstarts Bazille (a lovable Ritesh Manugula) and Renoir (a breezy Sam Peggs), whose moments together are the show's strongest. They fizz with the impatience of young rebellion, and their bickering, which provides much-needed moments of gentle humour, gives way to genuine devotion.An excellent eight-piece orchestra takes on Owen's songs, which lead us aptly through the story's tonal beats – lush strings for young love; jaunty woodwind for bantering artists. But none are distinctive enough to reach the heights of "hum it all the way home".Like Monet's, this musical's ambition sometimes comes at a cost, but it still lands in a place of beauty and deep feeling.

Australia has reaffirmed its support for Lebanon's sovereignty and expressed opposition to any Israeli occupation of the country's southern region. Foreign Minister Penny Wong made these statements during a conversation with her Israeli counterpart, Gideon Sa'ar.The conversation comes as Israel has revealed plans to establish a 'defensive buffer' against the Iran-backed armed group Hezbollah in southern Lebanon. This move has raised concerns about the potential for occupation of Lebanese territory.Wong emphasized Australia's grave concerns about the expansion of the conflict in Lebanon, which has resulted in the loss of life and the displacement of over one million civilians. She also stressed that Australia supports Lebanon's sovereignty and does not want to see Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon.The situation in Lebanon is further complicated by Hezbollah's continued strikes on Israel. Wong and Sa'ar agreed that Hezbollah must disarm in line with previous agreements.In addition to these developments, Australia has announced an extra $5 million in aid to support civilians in Lebanon impacted by the conflict, particularly women and children.Wong also advised Australians in Lebanon to leave now if it is safe to do so, citing the deteriorating situation.

President Trump's assertion of 'very good' talks with Iran has raised eyebrows, especially after Tehran denied any negotiations were underway. The sudden detente comes as US markets prepare for another volatile trading day, with oil and energy markets closely watching developments.Trump, standing beside Air Force One, attempted to sell the unexpected diplomatic shift, but provided few details. He hinted at a potential deal involving Iran's nuclear program and control over the Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway for global oil supplies.The reported interlocutor, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, the speaker of Iran's parliament, has denied any talks with the US, suggesting that Trump is trying to mitigate financial damage from Iran's closure of the Strait of Hormuz. Ghalibaf accused Trump of using 'fake news' to manipulate markets and escape the quagmire in which the US and Israel are trapped.Despite skepticism, international leaders, including Keir Starmer and Benjamin Netanyahu, have cautiously welcomed the talks. Netanyahu emphasized that any deal must safeguard Israel's interests, while also continuing to strike targets in Iran and Lebanon.The negotiations may be another attempt by Trump to buy time, particularly for oil and energy markets. The Pentagon is still positioning military assets, and a potential strike or occupation of Iran's islands or coastline remains a contingency plan if diplomatic efforts fail.

US President Donald Trump has claimed he is having 'productive' conversations with Iran, leading to a five-day pause in US strikes on Iranian power plants and energy infrastructure. However, Tehran denies these talks exist, casting doubt on the situation.If real, these talks would be a welcome de-escalatory step, but they also indicate that Trump's threat of war risked severe consequences that could damage more than just the intended target.Meanwhile, Israel is advancing measures in the West Bank that shift its occupation to annexation. The Israeli cabinet approved land registration in roughly half of the West Bank, which could lead to large-scale dispossession of Palestinians. This move is illegal under international law, according to the Israeli liberal advocacy organization Peace Now.Settlers have been reported to have imposed a reign of terror in the West Bank, with Israeli forces seemingly turning a blind eye. The Guardian reported coordinated settler attacks across Palestinian villages, including arson and violent assaults.The article suggests that Israel's moves may be driven by a desire to consolidate territorial control while US support is still available. With many Americans questioning the cost of the alliance, Israel may be trying to lock in favorable outcomes before the situation changes.