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Fuel‑price protests have erupted across the Republic of Ireland, described by observers as the most serious civil unrest since the state’s founding in the 1920s. Demonstrators, largely farm contractors and hauliers, have staged "go‑slow" convoys on motorways, blocked ports and even targeted the country’s sole oil refinery at Whitegate, County Cork. The unrest mirrors France’s Yellow Vests movement in its focus on carbon taxes and fuel duties, but unlike the French case it is being triggered by an external shock: the closure of the Strait of Hormuz after the United States and Israel launched a military campaign against Iran in late February 2026. The strait carries roughly 20% of global oil and LNG shipments, and its blockage has precipitated a sharp rise in fuel costs in Ireland – diesel up about 28% and petrol by 25%. By the weekend, around 40% of Irish petrol stations were empty, leaving many motorists stranded. In response, the Dublin coalition government ordered the army to clear blockades and authorised the police (An Garda Síochána) to make arrests, though the total number of detainees has not been disclosed. To quell the crisis, the government unveiled a package of concessions worth nearly $600 million. The measures include a 10% discount on diesel and petrol and a postponement of a planned carbon tax, aimed at both motorists and the broader food‑production sector (farming and fishing). The Taoiseach and Tánaiste have appealed for an end to the protests and urged dialogue through representative bodies. Public sentiment is split. A poll by the Sunday Independent found that 56% of respondents initially backed the protesters, but growing disruption – such as the cancellation of scheduled surgeries and travel difficulties for the elderly – appears to be eroding that support. Analysts highlight deeper structural issues in Ireland’s agri‑economy. Patrick Bresnihan of Maynooth University warned that the protests expose “deep inequalities and contradictions” in a system dominated by export‑oriented dairy and beef production, where many workers face precarious, seasonal contracts. While the protests have not ignited a comparable far‑right surge seen in parts of Europe, commentators caution that the unrest could provide fertile ground for populist narratives. Right‑wing groups in Germany, Spain and France have previously linked agricultural grievances to broader anti‑EU sentiment, though such movements remain marginal in Ireland. In Northern Ireland, planned blockades largely failed to materialise. Minor “go‑slow” convoys caused brief diversions, but no major infrastructure was seized and only a handful of fines were issued. Experts, including Queen’s University Belfast anthropologist Dominic Bryan, suggest the limited turnout reflects a lack of cohesive demands and organizational capacity north of the border. Political fallout in Dublin includes a confidence vote survived by the coalition after Sinn Féin’s challenge, and the resignation of junior minister Michael Healy‑Rea, who was cheered by protesters outside Leinster House. Overall, the fuel‑price protests underscore how a regional conflict in the Middle East can cascade into domestic unrest in Europe, intertwining energy security, rural economics and political stability.

The Fallen by Louise Brangan offers a meticulously researched portrait of the Magdalene laundries, the most notorious component of Ireland’s 20th‑century network of correctional institutions. The review notes that, at their peak in 1951, the country held 70 women per 100,000 in these laundries compared with 27 men per 100,000 in prisons, underscoring the laundries as the primary carceral system for females. Although established under state authority, the facilities were operated by Catholic nuns. Girls as young as nine and women into their eighties were compelled to work six days a week, without wages, on arduous, often hand‑operated machinery. Discipline was severe, and any minor infraction could trigger harsh punishment. The book illustrates how women were funneled into the system with little justification. Brangan recounts the case of a 15‑year‑old named Eileen, who vanished in February 1954 after being approached by members of the Legion of Mary—a lay group tasked with policing Ireland’s moral standards. She was taken to a gated house marked “Saint Mary Magdalen’s Asylum,” stripped of her identity, and assigned the number “60.” The narrative emphasizes that many detainees were simply “wayward or unwanted”—homeless, abused, or otherwise marginalized—rather than having committed any serious crime. Brangan draws a stark parallel between the Catholic Church’s grip on Irish society and the Communist Party’s control in Eastern Europe before 1989, suggesting both operated as pervasive, authoritarian forces. The laundries, though conspicuously situated among ordinary businesses, were largely ignored by a public that chose not to confront the “tall, locked iron gates” and the suffering behind them. The review situates the laundries within a broader context of institutional abuse, referencing the mother‑and‑baby homes that saw an estimated 56,000 women and girls pass through, with roughly 57,000 babies born, most notably at the Bon Secours home in Tuam. Investigations by Catherine Corless uncovered a mass grave of nearly 800 infants, highlighting the systemic nature of the tragedy. Financial redress has been slow. To date, the Irish government has disbursed more than €33 million to survivors of the laundries, while most religious orders have refused to contribute. A survivor’s testimony, quoted by Brangan, captures the lingering impact: “There’s always something in my life that will remind me of my past… I’ll never heal.” The review concludes by noting that the book, published by Bodley Head at £22, serves both as a harrowing testament and a call to remember a dark chapter of Irish history that continues to shape the lives of those who endured it.

Lidl and Iceland Foods have become the inaugural retailers to see their advertisements prohibited under the United Kingdom’s newly‑introduced junk‑food advertising rules, the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA) confirmed on Wednesday.The ASA has been overseeing the ban that bars television ads for high‑fat, salt and sugar (HFSS) items before 9 p.m. and prohibits any online promotion of such products at any hour, a regime that took effect on 5 January 2026.In Lidl’s case, the ASA found that an Instagram post created by popular influencer Emma Kearney ("Baby Emzo") for Lidl Northern Ireland showcased a tray of pain suisse – a French pastry filled with vanilla cream and chocolate chips. A complainant argued the product was “less healthy” and breached the HFSS criteria. Lidl defended the content as a “brand‑led” advertisement, noting that the new rules allow brand promotion provided no identifiable junk‑food item appears, but the ASA concluded the post did indeed highlight a prohibited product.For Iceland, the breach involved a digital display and banner ad on the Daily Mail website promoting confectionery such as Swizzels Sweet Treats, Chupa Chups Laces, Choose Disco Stix and Haribo Elf Surprises. These sweets fail the nutrient‑profiling model used to classify HFSS foods, meaning they cannot be advertised under the current legislation.The HFSS framework classifies foods high in fat, salt or sugar as “less healthy” and bars their promotion across broadcast and digital channels. This move is part of the UK government’s broader strategy to curb rising childhood obesity rates by limiting children’s exposure to unhealthy food marketing.Iceland acknowledged that, while it requests nutrient‑profile data from all suppliers, there are “gaps” in the information received. To address this, the retailer has contracted a data‑service provider to compile monthly nutritional data for every product on its website, aiming to flag any items that fall under the HFSS definition before they appear in advertising.After reviewing the complaints, the ASA upheld the objections and ordered both supermarkets to ensure future digital marketing does not feature products that violate the junk‑food ad rules. The rulings signal a stricter regulatory environment for retailers and advertisers, urging a shift toward healthier product promotion and more robust data‑management practices.

On O’Connell Street, a lime‑green CLAAS tractor arrived with a 19‑year‑old driver named Dylan, who explained that his convoy was the second to join a city‑wide fuel blockade that halted traffic for nearly a week. The protest, organized by farmers, hauliers and fishermen, highlighted the impact of a 60% increase in fuel duties and taxes on everyday Irish life. Dylan warned that the surge in fuel costs would eventually ripple through food prices, threatening household budgets across the nation. He and his companions, two teenagers, had endured cold nights inside the tractor, underscoring the desperation felt by many workers. The unrest, described by the Irish president as an "illegal war on Iran," has laid bare Ireland’s dependence on fossil fuels and the lack of a coherent transition strategy toward renewable energy. During six days of action, protestors blocked motorways, ports, the country’s sole oil refinery in County Cork, and fuel depots in Limerick and Galway. By the end of the week, petrol stations began to run low, prompting the justice minister to consider deploying the army. Yet on the streets, public sentiment was largely supportive; a recent poll indicated that 56% of respondents backed the demonstrators. Historical symbolism filled the scene: tractors flew the Irish tricolour beside buildings still scarred by the 1916 Easter Rising, while a lorry bore a painted coffin with the words "RIP Ireland" and a banner reading "Easter 2026". Critics on national radio questioned the tactics, citing concerns for vulnerable patients unable to reach medical appointments. Nonetheless, the direct‑action approach succeeded in drawing international attention and pressuring the government. When mounted police units arrived on Sunday morning, the convoy withdrew peacefully. Shortly thereafter, the coalition of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael announced a €500 million concession package, augmenting an earlier €250 million relief plan with cuts to excise duty and a postponement of the next carbon‑tax increase. Despite the financial concessions, a looming no‑confidence vote appears unlikely to topple the centre‑right coalition, even as public trust in traditional parties wanes. Dylan, too young to have voted in the last election, expressed little confidence in the political establishment. The protests have also been infiltrated by far‑right elements, with some speakers promoting anti‑immigrant conspiracies and misogynistic rhetoric. One spokesperson was found to have prior convictions for animal cruelty, and the Muslim Sisters of Éire reported being told to "go home" by flag‑waving agitators, highlighting a surge in xenophobic discourse. Beyond the immediate fuel price surge—up roughly 20% in a single month—the demonstrations raise broader questions about Ireland’s reliance on volatile global markets. The nation imports over 80% of its fruit and vegetables, while its data‑centre sector now consumes more electricity than all urban households combined, underscoring the tension between economic growth and sustainable energy policy. Analysts argue that lasting change cannot be achieved by pushing working people to the brink while catering to corporate interests. Ireland is expected to lobby the EU for a pause on carbon‑tax increases and to join calls for an EU‑wide tax on oil and gas profits, similar to measures advocated by Spain. In sum, the Dublin fuel blockade has forced the government to concede significant fiscal relief, exposed deep structural vulnerabilities in Ireland’s energy and food supply chains, and sparked a contentious debate over the role of grassroots protest, social cohesion, and climate justice.

In a fresh University of Massachusetts and YouGov poll of 1,000 U.S. adults conducted in early April, country‑music legend Dolly Parton emerged as the most favorably viewed global figure, securing a 70% favorable rating and only 5% unfavorable, translating to a net favorability of +65%. Former President Barack Obama ranked second with a net favorability of +14% (50% favorable, 36% unfavorable). Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy followed closely, posting a net favorability of +12% after 35% of respondents expressed a favorable view and 22% an unfavorable one. Other political figures fared poorly: former President George W. Bush earned a modest +5% net score, while Donald Trump and Joe Biden registered negative net favorabilities of ‑18% and ‑19% respectively. Pop star Taylor Swift managed a modest +3% net rating, and Russian President Vladimir Putin landed at the opposite extreme with a stark ‑65% net favorability. Parton’s dominance is notable not only for the size of the margin—over 50 percentage points ahead of her nearest rivals—but also because she is the only figure, aside from Obama, for whom a majority of respondents expressed a favorable opinion. Analysts attribute Parton’s success to her deliberately apolitical public persona and extensive charitable work. In a 2017 interview, she emphasized, “Everybody knows I don’t play politics,” a stance that has helped her maintain a broad bipartisan fan base. Her philanthropic impact is substantial. The Dollywood Foundation’s Imagination Library has donated more than 270 million books to children under five across the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Ireland, and Australia. Additional contributions include a $1 million gift to Vanderbilt University Medical Center that supported the development of the Moderna COVID‑19 vaccine, over $12 million to families displaced by the 2016 Tennessee wildfires, and ongoing funding for pediatric infectious‑disease research. Parton’s charitable achievements were recognized with the Carnegie Medal of Philanthropy in 2022**, and she was highlighted by Time as one of the most influential philanthropists of 2025. The poll’s findings suggest a public appetite for figures who embody generosity and cultural resonance without entanglement in partisan politics, underscoring a broader trend of voters gravitating toward non‑political icons in an era of heightened polarization.

Moya Brennan, the celebrated voice behind Irish folk ensemble Clannad, passed away at the age of 73 in her native County Donegal, surrounded by family. The 73‑year‑old had been living with pulmonary fibrosis and was awaiting a possible double‑lung transplant when she died peacefully. Born 4 August 1952 in Dublin as Máire Philomena Ní Bhraonáin, she grew up in a large musical family that performed in their local pub. She later honed her craft at the Royal Irish Academy of Music before co‑founding Clannad in 1970 with her brothers and two uncles. Clann2’s early breakthrough came at the Slógadh Youth Festival, where a prize‑winning performance secured a Polydor contract—though the band members were too young to sign. Their commitment to singing in the Irish language set them apart; as Brennan recalled in 2022, they felt they were “letting the language down” but fell in love with its melodies. The group’s commercial breakthrough arrived in 1983 with the album Magical Ring and its hit single “Theme from Harry’s Game.”strong> The track reached No. 5 on the UK Top 40, earned Clannad a historic appearance on Top of the Pops as the first act to perform in Irish, and paved the way for a BAFTA‑winning score for the ITV series Robin of Sherwood. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Brennan earned the moniker “first lady of Celtic music,” garnering praise from peers such as Bono of U2 and contributing vocals to major film soundtracks including Titanic and King Arthur. Her sister Eithne, later known as Enya, also emerged from Clannad before launching a wildly successful solo career. Beyond her musical achievements, Brennan’s personal journey was marked by hardship. She publicly discussed a 1972 abortion in England, subsequent substance use, an 18‑month marriage to fellow musician Pat Farrell, a miscarriage in 1987, and a brief relationship with U2’s Adam Clayton. A deepening Christian faith after the miscarriage helped her overcome addiction, and she later married photographer Tim Jarvis in 1990, a partnership she credited with ending her drug use. Her solo discography began with the critically acclaimed album Máire in 1992 and continued through 2024’s Voices & Harps IV with Cormac de Barra. Brennan also devoted considerable energy to philanthropy, working with Christian Blind Mission Ireland on projects across the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Brazil, and Tanzania, and supporting programs for those battling drug and alcohol dependency. In 2002 she officially adopted the stage name Moya Brennan, formalising the change by deed poll in 2009. Over the years she collaborated with a diverse roster of artists, from Shane MacGowan and Robert Plant to Bruce Hornsb​y, the Doobie Brothers, and Ronan Keating. Brennan is survived by her husband Tim Jarvis and their two children. In a 2022 interview she attributed her resilience in the face of her lung disease to her Christian faith, stating, “I know God is with me… that’s where my strength comes from.”

Sam Neill, the veteran actor celebrated for his memorable performances on screen, is set to answer readers' questions in an upcoming interview with The Guardian. Neill's iconic roles include his portrayal in Jurassic Park, where he famously removes his sunglasses and gazes at a towering Brachiosaurus, a scene that has become etched in cinematic history.Born in Northern Ireland and raised in New Zealand, Neill's diverse filmography showcases his versatility as an actor. He has appeared in a range of films, from period dramas like My Brilliant Career to thrillers such as Dead Calm, which is set to be released in 4K later this year. His recent projects include Godzilla x Kong: Supernova, alongside Kaitlyn Dever and Matthew Modine.Neill's career has been marked by his ability to take on idiosyncratic, director-led projects, often playing characters with a unique blend of gruffness and warmth. His performances in Sweet Country and Rams have been particularly noted for their depth and nuance.In addition to his film work, Neill has also made headlines for his memoir, Did I Ever Tell You This?, in which he openly discusses his experience with stage-three blood cancer and his journey towards remission. When asked about his mortality, Neill expressed a pragmatic view, stating, “I’m not afraid to die, but it would annoy me”.Readers are invited to post their questions for Sam Neill by 6pm BST, Thursday 16 April, and The Guardian will publish his answers in their reader interview series. This provides a unique opportunity for fans to engage with one of cinema's most beloved actors and gain insight into his life and career.

Scotland staged a late comeback to beat Wales 27‑22 in what was hailed as the best match of the opening weekend of the Women’s Six Nations, played at Cardiff’s Principality Stadium. The game attracted 10,569 spectators, the highest ever attendance for a Wales‑Scotland women’s clash on Welsh soil, though the venue’s 74,500‑seat capacity meant the atmosphere fell short of the stadium’s potential. Wales, led by head coach Sean Lynn, fought back from a 24‑12 halftime hole, narrowing the gap to five points in the closing minutes. Despite a valiant effort from their own try line, a mishandled line‑out in the dying seconds denied them a first Six Nations win since their 22‑20 victory over Italy in 2024. Scotland’s triumph was especially significant for new head coach Sione Fukofuka, who secured his inaugural win since taking the reins in December. Fly‑half Helen Nelson, named player of the match, praised the team’s defensive resilience and the blend of experienced and emerging talent. The match formed part of the Welsh Rugby Union’s strategy to showcase the women’s game in the national stadium, with plans to host at least one fixture there each season, hoping larger crowds will follow. Across the tournament, England set a new attendance benchmark with 77,120 fans at Twickenham for their 33‑12 win over Ireland, while upcoming fixtures promise further milestones: Scotland will play a standalone game at Murrayfield before heading to Dublin, and France, after a strong second‑half display against Italy, now sit atop the table on points difference. Looking ahead, Wales will face France at Cardiff Arms Park, where two of the three stands are already sold out, as the team aims to build on the “fight and character” displayed in Saturday’s encounter.

The proposed gold mine in Northern Ireland's Sperrins area has become a contentious issue, with environmental concerns clashing with the promise of economic benefits. The mine, valued at £21bn, is backed by US-owned Dalradian Gold and could bring hundreds of jobs and significant tax revenue to the area.Fidelma O'Kane and Cormac McAleer, a retired social worker and community worker, are leading the opposition to the mine. They argue that it would desecrate an area of outstanding natural beauty, pollute local rivers, and harm the health of their children. The couple has been rallying support from other locals, with over 50,000 letters of objection submitted to the planning process.Dalradian Gold claims the mine will be carbon neutral and support a supply chain worth £1bn. The company says it will create 1,000 jobs and contribute £3bn in taxes. However, opponents dispute these claims and point to the potential risks to local wildlife, including otters, pine martens, and freshwater pearl mussels.The public inquiry into the mine's planning application will begin on April 13, 2026, and will run until early June. The inquiry's outcome will be crucial in determining the fate of the mine and the future of the Sperrins area.