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Researchers have made a significant breakthrough in understanding why weight-loss medications, such as GLP1 receptor agonists, work better for some individuals than others. A recent study published in Nature has identified genetic variations in two genes involved in gut hormone pathways that regulate appetite and digestion. These genetic variations may help account for different weight-loss results or side-effects when taking glucagon-like peptide 1 (GLP1) medicines, which mimic natural gut hormones to regulate appetite, insulin release, and digestion. The study analyzed data from 27,885 patients on GLP1 drugs and found that specific genetic variants were associated with slightly more weight loss or side-effects like nausea and vomiting. The findings suggest that genetic differences may contribute to why people respond differently to weight-loss jabs. However, the overall impact of genetics appeared to be modest, with non-genetic factors such as sex, drug type, dose, and duration appearing to explain a substantially larger proportion of variability. The study's results reinforce that while there is substantial variability in response to GLP1 therapies, genetics is only one part of a much more complex picture. According to Marie Spreckley, an obesity expert at the University of Cambridge, the study provides plausible evidence that genetic variants could affect outcomes. However, she notes that the magnitude of these genetic effects is small in clinical terms, and that behavioral, clinical, and treatment-related factors remain the dominant drivers of outcomes. The study's authors suggest that their findings could support future efforts to use genetic information when making treatment choices for obesity. However, Spreckley cautions that the evidence is not yet sufficient to support using genetic information to guide treatment decisions in routine clinical practice.

Copenhagen returns to the London stage under Michael Longhurst’s direction at Hampstead Theatre, a timing the reviewer calls “terrifyingly timely.” The three‑hander dramatizes the 1941 encounter between Danish physicist Niels Bohr (played by Richard Schiff) and German scientist Werner Heisenberg (Damien Molony), set against the looming threat of Hitler’s nuclear ambitions. The production draws unsettling parallels to contemporary politics, invoking Donald Trump’s recent threats toward Iran as a modern echo of the era’s extremist rhetoric. This resonance, the reviewer notes, amplifies the play’s relevance alongside the theatre’s downstairs offering, ROI (Return on Investment), which also interrogates the morality of scientific discovery. Visually, Joanna Scotcher’s set is a striking, non‑realist circle surrounded by water—a subtle nod to the “heavy water” used in Nazi nuclear research and a poignant reminder of the personal tragedy that befell one of Bohr’s sons. The second half’s dense scientific dialogue is rendered accessible, though the reviewer argues it sometimes falls short of fully unpacking the deeper metaphors embedded in the science. Performance-wise, the age gap between Bohr and Heisenberg (Bohr being sixteen years senior) hampers the on‑stage chemistry. Schiff’s portrayal of the seasoned Bohr occasionally stumbles over lines, while Molony’s Heisenberg comes across as a brooding, almost adolescent figure. In contrast, Alex Kingston’s turn as Bohr’s wife and editor, Margrethe, provides the emotional core, shouldering much of the play’s affective weight. Thematically, the drama wrestles with the question of whether scientists bear a moral duty beyond their research. Heisenberg’s famed uncertainty principle is employed as a metaphor for the psychological ambiguity surrounding their historic meeting. Yet the script conspicuously omits any direct reference to the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, focusing instead on the fear of a Nazi atomic weapon and sidestepping the United States’ own nuclear legacy. While the production boasts compelling aesthetics and a thought‑provoking premise, the reviewer finds moments of sluggish pacing and a missed opportunity to confront the irony of overlooking the U.S. bombings, especially as contemporary concerns about American military assertiveness rise. The show runs at Hampstead Theatre, London until 2 May.

Donald Trump's decision to accept a two-week ceasefire in Iran has created a stir within his Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement, with some supporters expressing mixed reactions to the development. While some have defended the president's decision, others have accused him of betrayal and capitulation.The ceasefire, which was agreed upon after more than a month of war, has been hailed as a victory by both the US and Iran. However, critics argue that the agreement has failed to achieve its objectives, with Iran's regime still intact and its nuclear facilities persisting. The strait of Hormuz remains closed, and fighting continues in Lebanon.Dinesh D'Souza, a right-wing commentator, defended Trump on social media, stating that the president had outsmarted his critics and proved himself to be the adult in the room. Similarly, Matt Schlapp, chairman of the American Conservative Union, expressed confidence in Trump's decision-making, citing his real, actionable intelligence.However, not all supporters are convinced. Matthew Feinberg, a self-described 'MAGA Jew', expressed disappointment, stating that the ceasefire allows the IRGC to regroup and rearm. Laura Loomer, an activist and Islamophobe, also criticized the outcome, saying that the negotiation didn't yield any significant benefits for the US.The Pew Research survey found that, among Republicans, there had been an 18-point decline in confidence in Trump's policymaking about Iran since 2024. Despite this, Republicans aged 65 and older remain overwhelmingly confident in Trump's ability to make good decisions on Iran.

Shares of Close Brothers, a UK-based specialist lender, jumped 17% on Wednesday following the bank's announcement that it can easily absorb the cost of a £320m compensation bill related to the car finance scandal. The Financial Conduct Authority's (FCA) compensation scheme, finalized last week, aims to address the issue of drivers being overcharged for loans due to commission payments between lenders and car dealers.The bank expects to pay out approximately £320m in compensation, which is 'broadly similar' to previous estimates and only £26m more than the £294m already set aside. Close Brothers stated that this additional amount can be 'comfortably absorbed by existing capital resources,' ensuring the group remains well-positioned to continue its strategy.The FCA's compensation scheme estimates that victims will receive an average payout of £830. This development has provided relief to investors, especially after concerns were raised by short seller Viceroy Research, which suggested that Close Brothers might need to significantly increase its provision for car finance losses.In contrast, Close Brothers' rival, FirstRand, announced hours earlier that it would sell its UK operations, citing frustration with the FCA's compensation scheme, which it described as 'deeply flawed.' FirstRand stated it would need to raise an extra £510m to cover compensation costs, taking its total provisions to £750m, and potentially slash its earnings forecast and offload its UK business.

Ian Cheshire steps into the helm of Ofcom with a comprehensive 2026‑27 plan that spans telecoms, broadband, postal services, broadcast media and the digital sphere. While the breadth of responsibilities is vast, the regulator’s work on the Online Safety Act (OSA) is set to dominate his tenure.The OSA, the UK’s flagship legislation governing social‑media, search and video platforms, has become a flashpoint between internet‑safety advocates and free‑speech proponents. Campaigners such as Ian Russell – father of Molly Russell, whose tragic suicide highlighted online harms – and filmmaker Beeban Kidron are urging a tougher regulatory stance.Last year, Russell publicly called for a change in Ofcom’s leadership, citing the watchdog’s failure to block an online suicide forum accessible to UK users. At the same time, Technology Secretary Liz Kendall wrote to Ofcom expressing “deep concern” over delays in rolling out key OSA provisions.Although updating the act is a parliamentary responsibility, Cheshire’s close ties to government could accelerate ministerial action. The OSA, passed in 2023, only began substantive implementation under chief executive Dame Melanie Dawes, with the introduction of rigorous age‑gating measures last year marking the first tangible impact on users.Beyond online safety, Ofcom must continue its core duties established in 2003: supervising public‑service broadcasting, ensuring impartial news, maintaining universal postal delivery six days a week, and monitoring broadband and mobile‑phone coverage across the UK. The government’s expectation is clear – the regulator must move faster on digital safety without neglecting these legacy functions.A looming test of the OSA’s strength is the investigation into the partial nudification of women and girls by Elon Musk’s AI tool Grok. The outcome will signal how effectively Ofcom can enforce the act against emerging AI‑driven harms.The 2026‑27 plan lists projects such as preventing illegal content from going viral, measuring harmful material encountered by children, and assessing the effectiveness of age‑gating. Additional measures targeting major platforms like Google and Instagram remain stalled due to ongoing court proceedings.Recent incidents – from misinformation spikes following the Southport killings to AI‑generated misogyny on X – underscore the urgency. While the legislation provides Cheshire with a framework, the patience of campaigners and policymakers is wearing thin.

Political leaders across Washington breathed a collective sigh of relief on Tuesday evening when President Donald Trump announced a provisional two‑week ceasefire with Iran, ending a 24‑hour standoff that had seen him threaten to annihilate Iran’s “whole civilization” if Tehran failed to reopen the Strait of Hormuz by his self‑imposed deadline.The ceasefire declaration arrived just 90 minutes before the 8 p.m. ET deadline at which Trump had pledged to bomb Iranian power plants and bridges – a move scholars warned would constitute a war crime. A last‑minute diplomatic push by Pakistan persuaded the president to suspend the ultimatum, buying a narrow window for de‑escalation.In a post on Tuesday night, Trump wrote: “Subject to the Islamic Republic of Iran agreeing to the COMPLETE, IMMEDIATE, and SAFE OPENING of the Strait of Hormuz, I agree to suspend the bombing and attack of Iran for a period of two weeks.”Iran’s foreign minister quickly responded, stating that the strait would remain open for the next fourteen days under Iranian military management, effectively meeting the condition set by the United States.The president’s earlier warning – that a “whole civilization will die tonight, never to be brought back again” – drew swift condemnation from Democrats, longtime allies who have broken with Trump over the crisis, and even Pope Francis, the first American pontiff.Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer labeled Trump’s retreat as “desperately searching for any sort of exit ramp from his ridiculous bluster,” adding that the president had previously been called “an extremely sick person” waging a “wanton war of choice.”House Democrats, including former Speaker Nancy Pelosi, called for Trump’s removal via impeachment or the 25th Amendment, arguing that his conduct amounted to a threat of genocide against the Iranian people. Progressive Representative Alexandria Ocasio‑Cortez echoed this sentiment, saying the two‑week deal “changes nothing” and urging Congress to act.House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries described Trump’s behavior as “unhinged, unpresidential and unconscionable,” and warned that the American public “strongly opposes this reckless war of choice.” He announced that Democrats would push Speaker Mike Johnson to reconvene the House and move a war‑powers resolution to secure a permanent end to hostilities.Republican reactions were more nuanced. Senator Rick Scott praised the ceasefire as “a strong first step toward holding Iran accountable,” while Senator Lindsey Graham expressed hope that diplomacy could “end the reign of terror of the Iranian regime,” cautioning that Iran should not be rewarded for its earlier attacks on the strait.Conversely, Rep. Dan Crenshaw, a Texas Republican known for breaking with Trump, dismissed critics as “pearl‑clutching,” arguing that the president’s “language of POWER” is what adversaries understand, and that diplomatic niceties alone achieve little.The episode underscores a volatile moment in US‑Iran relations, where a single diplomatic pivot averted an imminent escalation, yet left Congress divided over the president’s authority to wage war and the need for a lasting legislative solution.

Turkey has emerged as the world’s most aggressive adopter of grid‑scale battery storage, with more than 33 GW approved since 2022, according to a new Ember analysis. That figure dwarfs the total planned and operational capacity of leading EU nations such as Germany and Italy, which together sit at roughly 12‑13 GW.The surge reflects a 2022 mandate that grants preferential grid access to renewable projects that pair generation with an equal amount of storage. Of the 221 GW of battery projects submitted, Turkey has green‑lit 33 GW—equivalent to about 83% of its current wind and solar capacity. Only Romania in the EU shows a higher storage‑to‑renewable ratio.Policy analyst Ufuk Alparslan of Ember described the move as a “massive investment signal” that could make Turkey the backbone of a new, clean regional energy hub, especially ahead of the Cop31 climate summit in Antalya this November.Cost declines have been a key catalyst: the price of solar panels and battery packs has fallen by nearly 90% over the past decade, unlocking affordable, reliable power for countries in the global south. University of Wisconsin‑Madison researcher Greg Nemet noted that this price plunge creates “a tremendous opportunity for a cheap, clean and reliable energy system.”Despite the battery boom, Turkey’s energy mix remains heavily coal‑dependent, with coal accounting for 34% of electricity generation last year. The nation generates roughly one‑fifth of its power from wind and solar—higher than any Middle Eastern or Central Asian country but still below the European average.Turkey aims to boost installed wind and solar capacity to 120 GW by 2035, up from the current 40 GW. However, the 6.5 GW added in the most recent year fell short of the 8 GW needed to stay on track, highlighting implementation challenges.Alparslan cautioned that the ambitious battery pipeline faces hurdles, including permit bottlenecks and reliance on volatile spot‑market electricity prices. Moreover, Turkey’s extensive hydropower resources lessen the immediate need for large‑scale batteries compared with many European states.Nevertheless, the country’s decisive policy stance sends a clear message: even as the global fossil‑fuel crisis intensifies—exacerbated by geopolitical tensions such as the Iran‑Hormuz conflict—Turkey is positioning itself at the forefront of the clean‑energy transition.

The horror market has finally recognised women as a core audience, a shift reflected in the latest teen‑focused feature The Cure. Directed by Nancy Leopardi and penned by Jonathan Bernstein and James Greer (known for Unsane), the film blends gothic dread with a biting commentary on wealth and longevity. The story follows Ally Braun (Samantha Cochran), a lupus‑stricken teenager confined to a Malibu mansion owned by her billionaire parents, Jeff (David Dastmalchian) and Georgia (Ashley Greene). When the couple hosts a gathering for investors interested in a private island designed as an apocalypse refuge, Ally slips away to the beach and befriends a mysterious newcomer, Brooke (Sydney Taylor). Their uneasy friendship triggers a series of dark revelations that expose helicopter parenting, clandestine life‑extension research, and society’s obsession with youth and beauty. While the premise brims with clever ideas, the execution falters in its final act. Narrative threads are hurried, and the climax resolves with a brief burst of violence that feels more like a budget‑driven shortcut than a satisfying payoff. The film’s limited locations and dim lighting betray a modest production budget, even as it depicts extravagant wealth. Nevertheless, the youthful ensemble injects the story with genuine charisma. Their performances provide the film’s most compelling moments, keeping the audience engaged despite the structural shortcomings. The Cure becomes available on digital platforms from 13 April.

Opening new oil and gas fields in the North Sea would send a shock wave around the world, senior climate diplomats warned, saying the move would imperil international climate targets, erode the United Kingdom’s reputation as a climate leader and embolden developing countries to exploit their own fossil‑fuel reserves.The UK government faces intense lobbying from the oil industry, Conservative MPs, Nigel Farage’s Reform UK party, certain trade unions and factions within the Treasury. Yet research shows that new drilling would do little to lower energy prices and would have almost no impact on gas imports.Two of the remaining large North Sea prospects – the Rosebank and Jackdaw fields – sit in a basin that is over 90% depleted and increasingly costly to develop. Even if fully exploited, they would displace only about 1% and 2% of the UK’s gas imports respectively, according to recent analysis.Senior figures in international climate diplomacy described the prospect of new drilling as dangerous for global emissions‑reduction efforts and a step back from the phase‑out of fossil fuels.Lord Nicolas Stern, professor at the London School of Economics, warned that “new drilling and a slowdown in climate action would be bad for growth and for energy security in the UK, and a damaging signal for the world.” He added that the UK’s pioneering climate legislation and its role as the first G7 nation to commit to net‑zero by 2050 give its actions “extra weight” on the global stage.An anonymous senior African negotiator reacted angrily to the proposal, stating that Africa would “reject any proposal for the UK to expand oil drilling” because it is “fundamentally inconsistent with both the letter and spirit of the Paris Agreement” and would “weaken trust with climate‑vulnerable nations”.Christiana Figueres, former UN climate chief and co‑founder of the Global Optimism think‑tank, argued that true energy independence lies in “scaling clean, domestic energy, not in extending the life of declining industries”. She cautioned that reverting to old‑fashioned oil expansion would lock in infrastructure at odds with the direction of the global energy system.The UK has been a vocal supporter of an upcoming conference in Colombia on the “transition away from fossil fuels”, a pledge made three years ago at COP28 that remains largely unfulfilled. However, the Guardian learned that Ed Miliband, the UK secretary of state for energy security and net‑zero, will not attend; the government’s climate envoy, Rachel Kyte, will travel in his place.Campaigners had urged Miliband’s presence, citing his pivotal role in securing a last‑minute deal at COP30 in Brazil last November.Experts caution that licensing new fields before the Colombian summit could undermine progress in persuading developing nations to forgo fossil‑fuel‑based economies and adopt cleaner energy pathways.Mohamed Adow, director of the Power Shift Africa think‑tank, warned that a UK approval would “send a shock wave around the world that short‑term interests are being prioritised over long‑term responsibility”. He stressed that many African countries are being asked to leapfrog to clean energy with limited financial support, and that wealthy nations continuing to invest in fossil fuels “undermine this message and diminish their credibility”.Several developing‑country officials echoed this concern, asking, “Why shouldn’t we tap into our own fossil‑fuel resources if the UK is doing so?” They argued that leadership on climate must be consistent with actions.An ally of Miliband praised the UK’s stance, calling “no new exploration licences” a “landmark global leadership position” that shows a major oil‑producing country can align policy with climate science to avoid a 3‑4°C warming scenario.A government spokesperson reaffirmed the administration’s commitment, stating that the UK has placed “clean energy and climate at the heart of its agenda”, and that it will continue to “stop issuing licences to explore new fields, in line with the science and in securing a just transition in the North Sea”.