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While the two‑week pause in the US‑Israel campaign against Iran remains uncertain, one constant is clear: Donald Trump lacks a concrete plan, but Benjamin Netanyahu does. The war’s stated aim – to cripple Iran’s state capacity – is only a stepping stone toward a larger vision of a Greater Israel. For Israel’s right‑wing, the phrase often evokes a purely territorial ambition: enlarging the land Israel claims. History shows this expansionist drive has repeatedly displaced Palestinians, a process that has accelerated dramatically in recent years. Since the war began, Israel has flattened Gaza, killing tens of thousands and reducing the civilian‑inhabitable area to roughly 12 % of its pre‑war size. In the West Bank, a wave of settlement expansion and property destruction rivals the scale of the 1967 conflict. Beyond the occupied territories, Israel has seized parts of Syria and is forging a de‑facto occupation zone in southern Lebanon, with ministers from Religious Zionism, Jewish Power and Likud openly demanding Israeli sovereignty there. Finance minister Bezalel Smotrich even called for an expansion “to Damascus,” and Netanyahu has publicly expressed a deep personal connection to this territorial vision. However, Greater Israel is as much a geopolitical and strategic construct as a land‑grab. Netanyahu’s ambition extends beyond occupying borders; he seeks a regional dominion built on new alliances and hard‑power dependencies. After the October 7 attacks and the ensuing Gaza devastation, Israel’s prospects for Arab‑state normalization stalled. Faced with a choice between a conciliatory approach and a zero‑sum rejection of a Palestinian future, Netanyahu chose the latter, aiming to eliminate Iran as a regional counterweight – a move that inevitably required massive US military involvement. Former Israeli security analysts note that, from the perspective of Sunni Gulf states, a weakened Iran would elevate Israel to the role of “dominant regional power.” Achieving this, according to the article, also means softening the Gulf Cooperation Council (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, UAE) and making them dependent on Israel for security and energy routes. The spill‑over of Iranian drone and missile attacks on GCC infrastructure is portrayed not as an accident but as a calculated element of Israel’s strategy. When the US‑Israel coalition struck Iranian energy sites, Iran retaliated against the Gulf, disrupting global oil flows through the Strait of Hormuz. Netanyahu seized the moment to propose “alternative routes” – oil and gas pipelines that would bypass Hormuz and Bab‑al‑Mandab, ending at Israeli Mediterranean ports. In a meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Netanyahu outlined a “hexagon of alliances” linking India, Arab nations, African states, Greece, Cyprus and other Asian partners, positioning Israel as the central hub. Recent IDF strategy papers echo this, suggesting Israel could achieve “operational control” far beyond its borders without permanent occupation, likening the Middle East to a “jungle” where Israel would become the “queen.” Netanyahu now describes Israel not merely as a “regional superpower” but, in some contexts, as a “global superpower.” He promises the hexagonal alliance will confront a “radical Shia axis” and an “emerging radical Sunni axis,” with Turkey singled out as the next strategic threat. Dismissal of the Greater Israel rhetoric as wartime hyperbole would be misleading. The article warns that a permanent war‑oriented mindset permeates Israel’s political elite, security establishment and media, posing a risk of overreach and regional blowback. Containing this expansive vision may become one of the most pressing post‑war challenges for the Middle East.

Senator Bernie Sanders used a Manhattan rally on Sunday to issue a stark warning: “the worst is yet to come” for the U.S. economy unless workers confront a ruling class of billionaires. Sharing the stage with New York City mayor Zohran Mamdani, the two leaders announced the launch of Union Now, a nationwide drive to boost union density and provide resources for organizing and strikes. Sanders singled out high‑profile billionaires – Elon Musk (Tesla, SpaceX), Jeff Bezos (Amazon), and President Donald Trump – as the architects of a looming crisis. He warned that Musk’s push for robotics and AI, coupled with Bezos’s recent pledge to raise $100 billion for buying and automating manufacturing firms, threatens to replace human labor on a massive scale. “Unless we fundamentally transform our economic and political systems, the worst is yet to come,” Sanders declared, emphasizing that increasing union membership is the most effective tool to tackle income inequality. Mamdani echoed the sentiment, noting that artificial intelligence is “coming for human jobs” and that worker protections are eroding. He pledged his administration’s support for Union Now, describing the effort as essential for safeguarding workers’ rights. Data presented at the rally underscored the scale of wealth concentration: in 2025, 938 U.S. billionaires saw their net worth rise by $1.5 trillion, while Musk alone possesses more wealth than the bottom 53 % of Americans. Sanders painted the billionaire class as “extremely greedy” and likened their self‑perception to 19th‑century monarchs who believe they have a divine right to rule. He warned that their unchecked influence could leave future generations without a safety net. Highlighting a recent political victory, Sanders cited Mamdani’s mayoral win as proof that ordinary people can defeat billionaire‑backed opposition. He warned that if the current trajectory continues, “fewer people will have more wealth and power, democracy will be undermined, and workers will be left with no recourse.” Closing his speech, Sanders urged unity: “If we stand together and fight for a government that works for all of us, there is nothing we cannot accomplish.”

In the quiet town of Iseyin, about 200 km north‑west of Lagos, shaded courtyards and narrow lanes have become the beating heart of Nigeria’s iconic aso‑oke textile industry. Under makeshift sheds, weavers operate wooden looms that have remained largely unchanged for generations. Recent years have seen a surge in demand for the thick, multicoloured fabric, driven by the Nigerian diaspora and an expanding international appetite for African fashion. Yet the craftsmen and women of Iseyin staunchly oppose the introduction of machines, arguing that the hand‑woven process is essential to the cloth’s distinctive texture and cultural value. The craft now serves as an economic lifeline. Young Nigerians—including university graduates—are flocking to Iseyin to learn the trade, attracted by the promise of a steady income. One such convert, Waliu Fransisco, abandoned a career as a Lagos nightclub singer a decade ago to master the loom. At 34, he says, “I now earn a decent living from weaving aso‑oke and I’m satisfied.” Aso‑oke, literally meaning “cloth from the up‑country,” has become a staple in Nigeria’s fashion scene, appearing in ceremonial attire, contemporary streetwear, and even high‑profile outfits such as the wrapper and shawl worn by Meghan Markle during her 2024 visit to Nigeria with Prince Harry. Traditionally, the fabric was produced from locally sourced cotton or silk, with threads hand‑spun, dyed, and woven in limited colour palettes. Today, most weavers use loom‑ready yarns imported primarily from China, allowing for a broader spectrum of hues while preserving the labor‑intensive hand‑weaving technique. Each loom requires meticulous arrangement of narrow, tightly patterned strips that are later sewn together to form the wider cloth used for garments and accessories. “This is what Iseyin is known for,” says 35‑year‑old weaver Kareem Adeola, echoing the sentiment of a community that views the craft as a direct inheritance from its forebears. As global fashion houses and consumers continue to seek authentic African textiles, the artisans of Iseyin stand at the crossroads of tradition and market opportunity, proving that cultural heritage can thrive alongside modern demand.

FIFA has officially declined the Iranian Football Federation’s (FFIRI) appeal to relocate its 2026 World Cup games from the United States to Mexico, stating that the logistical complexities of moving the matches are prohibitive, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum confirmed. The request, lodged last month, was met with a firm response from the sport’s governing body: all scheduled fixtures will proceed in the United States as originally drawn, eliminating any prospect of Mexican venues hosting Iran’s team. Sheinbaum reiterated the stance at a press conference in Mexico City, emphasizing that “FIFA ultimately decided that the matches cannot be moved from their original venues,” and that attempting relocation would create untenable logistical hurdles. FIFA declined to comment to Al Jazeera regarding the confirmation of Iran’s host venues. The backdrop to this dispute is the ongoing US‑Israel war against Iran, which erupted on 28 February, killing Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and 168 people in a girls’ school on the first day of hostilities. Tehran retaliated with missile and drone strikes on Israeli and U.S. military installations across the Middle East. A Pakistan‑mediated ceasefire halted the exchanges on Wednesday, though Israel continues operations in parts of Lebanon. Iran was among the earliest qualifiers from the Asian confederation and is placed in Group G alongside Belgium, Egypt and New Zealand. The team’s three group matches are slated for the U.S. West Coast: Los Angeles on 15 June and 21 June, and Seattle on 26 June. While Mexico, a co‑host of the tournament with the United States and Canada, initially expressed willingness to accommodate Iran’s fixtures, President Sheinbaum’s recent remarks align with FIFA President Gianni Infantino’s position. Infantino, who met Iranian players, coaches and officials in Turkey on 31 March, affirmed that “the matches will be played where they are supposed to be, according to the draw.” Infantino also dismissed speculation that Iran might boycott the tournament altogether after FFIRI President Mehdi Taj warned of a potential boycott if security could not be guaranteed in the United States. Earlier, former U.S. President Donald Trump posted on social media that Iran’s participation would be unsafe, prompting Taj to state that Iran would refuse to travel to America under those conditions. Iranian Sports Minister Ahmad Donyamali later warned that Iran’s World Cup involvement remains uncertain unless FIFA relocates the games, underscoring the political sensitivity surrounding the event. In summary, despite regional conflict, diplomatic tensions, and security concerns voiced by Iranian officials, FIFA’s decision ensures that Iran will compete in the United States as originally scheduled, preserving the tournament’s logistical integrity.

The report outlines the abrupt end of the United States‑Iran dialogue held in Pakistan, noting that the parties left without a formal accord. Analysts attribute the breakdown to deep‑seated mistrust, divergent strategic objectives, and pressure from regional actors, all of which complicated the negotiation process.While the talks were intended to address longstanding issues such as nuclear safeguards and regional security, the lack of a mutually acceptable framework proved insurmountable. Observers point to the broader geopolitical context—particularly the United States' shifting policy in the Middle East and Iran's internal political calculations—as pivotal in shaping the outcome.In the aftermath, diplomatic channels remain open, but the failure underscores the challenges of reconciling competing interests in a volatile region. The article suggests that any future engagement will need to confront these core disagreements head‑on to avoid a repeat of the current stalemate.

U.S. Vice President JD Vance, heading the American delegation in the Islamabad talks, announced that the United States has yet to receive a concrete commitment from Tehran on its nuclear program and that Washington has put forward its best and final offer to Iran.Iranian media reports that the historic negotiations in Pakistan’s capital will resume for a second day. Observers note that the Strait of Hormuz remains a critical sticking point, underscoring the broader strategic stakes for regional security and global energy flows.

PCK Dance’s latest double‑bill, “Into the Light,” opens with a palpable tension: dancers inhale as if grasping something costly, their gazes unfixed, brows furrowed, signalling an emotional gravitas that the production amplifies with dark lighting and portentous music.Choreographers James Pett and Travis Clausen‑Knight, both alumni of Company Wayne McGregor, demonstrate why their pedigree matters. Their movement language is slick, finessed and relentlessly precise, with legs whipping to extreme angles and sequences that cascade like the “chatter of a motoring brain.” The duo’s fluency in form lets them forgo the heavy‑handed theatrical cues that often drown subtler expression.The centerpiece, the duet “In the Absence,” features Pett and Clausen‑Knight alongside third dancer Isabelle Evans. Their interplay oscillates between closeness and disconnection, tension and tenderness, hinting at loss. Evans’s decisive gestures—flexed wrists, expressive hands—act as declarations, while a striking passage sees the choreographers literally throwing her body between them, creating a kinetic flash that feels both chaotic and meticulously crafted.Music, composed by Pett with co‑composer Greg Haines, emerges live from a bank of stage‑side technology. The piano interludes give way to pitch‑less textures that evoke a “joyless, end‑of‑days” ambience. This soundscape reinforces the programme’s suggestion that the work grapples with survival in an AI‑driven future, casting the performance as a low‑key apocalypse rather than a conventional dystopia.By marrying razor‑sharp choreography with a minimalist, tech‑infused score, PCK Dance asks a vital question: in a world increasingly mediated by algorithms, what does it mean to remain truly human? The answer, if any, lies in the fleeting connections forged on stage—moments where bodies speak louder than the surrounding machinery.

Zappa Montag walks through a 76‑hectare (189‑acre) forest of redwoods, madrones and oaks that he co‑manages with five other Black residents at Black to the Land in Boonville, California. Powered by solar panels and supplied by a well, the off‑grid ecovillage embodies Montag’s goal to “reverse‑gentrify the country” by creating a self‑sufficient sanctuary for Black people. Intentional communities—small groups united by shared values—have long served Black and Indigenous peoples, ranging from urban co‑housing to rural ecovillages. In the post‑slavery era, tightly knit Black networks relied on mutual aid for business and farming, a tradition that is resurfacing in places like Alabama, Massachusetts and California as a way to revive ancestral agricultural knowledge. Montag and his daughter Bibi Sarai first imagined Black to the Land in 2015, frustrated by the rapid gentrification of Oakland. After a 2021 introduction to the declining Emerald Earth Sanctuary in Mendocino County, the nonprofit transferred stewardship of the property to their group through a verbal and written agreement. Montag describes the hand‑over as a form of reparations—instead of cash, they invest time learning land stewardship. Tragedy struck in February 2023 when Bibi Sarai died unexpectedly. Yet, reports that visitors felt uplifted after summer stays convinced Montag to stay permanently, turning grief into a catalyst for the community’s growth. Today, the community—members ranging from their late 20s to mid‑50s—funds land maintenance through grants, workshops and fundraising. They host classes on building, gardening and foraging, while some members work remotely to cover personal expenses. African plant‑medicine practitioners prepare herbal remedies, and a partnership with Ghanaian ecovillage leaders introduces natural‑building techniques. In addition to cultivating vegetables, the residents construct clay dwellings, practice yoga, and collectively manage chores such as fire‑wood gathering and trench‑building to prevent driveway flooding. Self‑reliance is the guiding principle, especially amid today’s economic uncertainty. The BIPOC Intentional Community Council, founded in 2020, supports Black and brown groups in establishing similar settlements by providing funding, nonprofit‑formation workshops and land‑trust guidance. Board member Crystal Byrd Farmer notes a growing “back‑to‑the‑land” movement as people seek rural roots. While mainstream media sometimes label intentional communities as radical, Farmer argues they echo millennial human practices of mutual support. Most U.S. intentional communities remain majority‑white due to historic capital access, leaving people of color to feel culturally alienated in those spaces. In Alabama, the Ekvn‑Yefolecv ecovillage—run by Indigenous Maskoke families—reclaimed 3,105 hectares (7,674 acres) of ancestral land. Governed matriarchally, residents speak their language daily, practice traditional foraging, reintroduce buffalo and sturgeon, and share land title, offering a model of ecological sustainability and cultural preservation. Massachusetts hosts the Solidarity Arts & Education Decolonial Initiatives (SAEDi) collective, a communal home for women of color that blends art, food sovereignty and reparations work. Rent is adjusted to ability, and members contribute childcare, meals and chores. Plans include a garden, orchard, and a “green residency” program that will archive elders’ agricultural stories online, aiming to boost security for immigrant families amid rising xenophobia. The modern roots of Black intentional living trace back to 1969’s New Communities in Georgia, a civil‑rights‑era farming settlement that pioneered the nation’s first community land trust. Although federal opposition led to its collapse, a 2009 $12 million settlement acknowledged USDA discrimination. Today, the organization runs workshops on land stewardship and mentors new generations of Black farmers. For Montag, the land also serves as a personal memorial. A clay bench honors his late daughter Bibi Sarai, allowing him to “connect with humanity” and keep her spirit alive. Future plans include grief‑focused rituals and a memorial garden, underscoring the belief that joy and healing are essential components of communal living. Increased security and safety Marginalized groups view intentional communities as safe havens for preserving cultural practices and passing knowledge to youth. Elders’ expertise is documented for future generations, reinforcing resilience against systemic oppression. Empowering collective action From the civil‑rights farms of Georgia to contemporary ecovillages in California and Alabama, these settlements illustrate how shared land ownership, communal labor and cultural affirmation can counter gentrification, foster economic independence, and nurture intergenerational healing.

The New York Times Company has launched an investigation into the coverage of New England Patriots head coach Mike Vrabel by NFL reporter Dianna Russini. This move comes after photos of Russini and Vrabel together at an Arizona resort were published, raising concerns about their relationship and potential bias in reporting.Russini, who works for The Athletic, owned by The New York Times, has been temporarily sidelined while the review is ongoing. The images, published by the New York Post’s Page Six, show Russini and Vrabel together at a luxury hotel in Sedona, including by a pool, in a hot tub, and on a rooftop deck. Some photos appear to show the pair embracing and holding hands.Both Russini and Vrabel, who are married to other people, have claimed that the interaction was platonic and taken out of context. Russini stated that the photos did not reflect that they were part of a larger group gathering, while Vrabel called any suggestion of impropriety “laughable”.The Athletic initially defended Russini, with executive editor Steven Ginsberg saying the images lacked context and depicted public interactions among multiple people. However, the outlet has since expanded its review after additional reporting raised questions about Russini’s coverage of Vrabel and the nature of their relationship.Editors are now seeking to verify claims that others were present at the gathering. Notably, no stories under Russini’s by-line have been published since the photos surfaced earlier this week. The review is ongoing and expected to take time. Russini is among the highest-paid reporters at The Times Company, and her contract is set to expire later this year.