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The Erasure of a Scholar's LegacyWhen Donald Trump returned to office in January last year, one of his first acts was to sign an executive order intended to cut federal funding for any school teaching what the administration defined as "critical race theory." A raft of other orders mandated the termination of DEI (diversity, equity and inclusion) personnel, offices and training across the federal government. Federal agencies began flagging hundreds of words to avoid or eliminate, including "intersectional" and "intersectionality." All of which has amounted to 40 years of Kimberlé Crenshaw's work being literally and deliberately erased.The Architect of IntersectionalityFor decades, the 66-year-old legal scholar has been naming things that powerful people would prefer remain unnamed. In 1989, she coined the term intersectionality to describe the way race and gender overlap to shape lived experience, often in ways the law fails to recognize. Around the same time, she was one of a group of African American scholars who created the framework that came to be known as "critical race theory," which sought to examine how racism is embedded in legal systems rather than simply enacted through individual prejudice. Now, Crenshaw's ideas are being contested like never before.The Political Weaponization of Academic Concepts"Unfortunately, I did see this coming," she tells me over a video call from the California offices of the African American Policy Forum, the thinktank she co-founded. We are calling to discuss Crenshaw's new memoir, Backtalker, but the conversation soon shifts. "The fact that they are targeting this … it is because they understand the power of these ideas, the power of this history." Behind her, posters reading "History repeats when we forget" and "The freedom to learn is the freedom to live" hang alongside shelves of critical race theory texts and Black history books the likes of which have, in some states, become politically radioactive.The Cultural War Over "Woke" IdeologyWhat makes the intensity of this backlash striking is how recently Crenshaw's work entered mainstream public consciousness. Until a few years ago, ideas such as intersectionality and critical race theory remained largely within the domain of legal scholarship, academic debate and activist vernacular. It wasn't until 2020, when a loose coalition of conservative activists, media figures and politicians began elevating them as political flashpoints, that they were thrust into the centre of the culture wars. In the ensuing five years, this snowballed into all-out war against "woke," with critical race theory as its ultimate bogeyman. It became a byword for liberal overreach, a catch-all for everything that was wrong with the US in the eyes of the conservative right.The Fascist Narrative and American Democracy"Trump jumped on a bandwagon started by a few rightwing propagandists, claiming that intersectionality and critical race theory were anti-white, anti-male and anti-American," she says. "Fox News amplified this, and within weeks, these ideas were mentioned more than they had been in the previous four decades."Crenshaw, true to form, is not shy about naming what she considers to be the problem. "One of the keys of fascism is control of the nation's narrative," she says. "That, alongside creating a group of people that are legitimate targets of exclusion – an us and them – allows for the autocrat to be seen as the embodiment of the essential nation. And in the United States, we come prefabricated for that dimension of fascism to set into our politics."Why is it that so many white Americans are willing to continue to vote for a president that is demolishing democracy, so long as he's willing to affirm them effectively as true Americans?" she continues. "Because of the idea that those over there are different from us. They don't really belong. That is the way fascism works."From Childhood Inequality to Intellectual FrameworkIt is clearly in Crenshaw's DNA to confront injustice, as is evidenced in Backtalker, which chronicles her journey from witnessing inequality as a child to challenging entrenched power structures in law, academia and politics. "Being a backtalker is like being lactose intolerant," she writes. "There is BS that I cannot digest. To accept anything close to second-class status as the price of belonging sickens me."Born in Ohio in 1959, on the verge of the civil rights movement, Crenshaw grew up at a time of expanding yet restricted possibilities. She watched that tension unfolding in real time, in the speeches of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr on television, and in discussions around the kitchen table, where her parents, dedicated anti-racist activists, treated politics as a daily practice. "As a Black child, I had early inklings that differences would matter in my life, even if I couldn't name them," she says.The Making of an Intersectional ConsciousnessOne such inkling came when her family moved to the predominantly white suburb of Canton, Ohio. "When we arrived, there were children playing everywhere," she remembers. "I was excited." But almost overnight, the children vanished. Neighbours treated the new family as intruders and shouted slurs when they walked by; an estate agent knocked on their door urging a quick sale.Perhaps the most formative incident came when she was five years old, and was the only girl in her all-white class who was not given the opportunity to play the princess, Thorn Rosa, in a school performance. "Thorn Rosa marks the stirring of my nascent awareness that my colour and my girlness were linked," she writes."You push that doubt down until something happens that forces it open," she tells me. "You realize that how others see you will shape your experiences. And that realization is traumatic."The Trauma of Loss and the Birth of ActivismWhat mattered, she says, was that those moments were not dismissed. "I credit my parents for taking them seriously," she says. "They refused to minimize what I experienced, even as a young child. That affirmation was freeing, it told me my feelings were grounded in reality and gave me permission to understand them."It was tragedy that would, in many ways, become the making of the young Crenshaw. She was eight years old when Martin Luther King Jr was assassinated in 1968 – a before-and-after moment in her life. The following day, young Black activists in Canton directed schoolchildren to the local church for a hastily organized memorial service. Crowded into pews, everyone was silent when the activists asked if anyone had anything to say about Dr. King. No one moved. It was Crenshaw who broke the silence, exhorting the crowd not to let his death be the end of the freedom struggle. "We pick up where he left off," she recalls saying. "We continue to walk in his footsteps. They can't kill his dream for us – not if we won't let them."Further devastation followed. A year later, her father, an apparently healthy 34-year-old, died suddenly, leaving the family reeling. Not long after, her older brother Mantel was shot and killed while at university. The circumstances were never fully explained, and justice never came. She writes of that period with unflinching candor: "Happiness was dead." These losses left an indelible mark, sharpening her awareness of the unevenness of justice in a world already structured by racial and social inequities.The Complexity of Solidarity and the Limits of "We"Crenshaw arrived at Cornell University in 1978, to a campus shaped by the afterlives of civil rights struggle and Black student organizing. It was there that she entered into a relationship with a fellow student that became physically abusive. In one incident, he beat her and tried to throw her from the window of her 10th-floor dorm room."We were eye-to-eye when he threw the first punch," she writes in Backtalker. "Pressed out of denial, I woke to the fact that he was going to beat the daylights out of me."What followed unsettled her understanding of community more profoundly than the violence itself. Rather than rallying around her, many of her peers – fellow Black students and friends – closed ranks around him. To involve authorities, they told her, would be to expose a Black man to a system already predisposed against him. The implication was that her suffering as a woman should be subordinated to a broader racial solidarity."The way that sexual violence against Black women has long been justified – framing us as unlikely ever to say no to any sexual encounter – you can know this historically, but then when you experience it interpersonally, you have to grapple with the fact that more people in your own community will come to the defense of your abuser than you," she says. "It really presses the question of 'what is solidarity supposed to look like?' she continues. "What does it mean to defend the 'we', when that 'we' often excludes me?"The Birth of Intersectionality in Legal TheoryCrenshaw returns to that question – of the instability of "we"– again and again. From arriving at Harvard Law School and being called the N-word on her first day, to being directed to enter the university's exclusive Fly Club through the back door because she was a woman – the Black male friends she was with, rather than challenge the slight, urged her not to make a scene. What she would later call "asymmetrical solidarities" revealed themselves in practice: loyalty expected but not returned. "I cannot bring myself to ride or die for a politics that won't ride or die for me," she writes of the incident.In legal terms, the problem came into focus when Crenshaw came across a 1976 case in which an African American woman was denied the ability to bring a discrimination claim against her employer on the grounds that the law could recognize race or gender, but not both at once. Her experience – specifically of being discriminated against as a Black woman – fell through the cracks and the case was thrown out of court. In 1989, Crenshaw identified this form of compound discrimination and gave it a name: intersectionality. Around the same time, she was part of a group of scholars developing what would become critical race theory, a broader attempt to understand how racism is a structural part of the legal system.The Promise and Limits of Political RepresentationIt is a lesson that would resurface, years later, in a very different arena. When Barack Obama was elected president in 2008, the language of "we" returned with renewed force – this time, as a promise. For many, Obama's election felt like a rupture with the past. But for Crenshaw, it quickly raised a familiar question."I didn't think it would happen in my lifetime," she says, of that initial hope after Obama's victory. "It felt like a miracle. My mother and I celebrated together on the phone – I was dancing on a table at Stanford and she was doing the same in her retirement facility. For her especially, it was a dream come true."But symbolism, Crenshaw suggests, has limits, particularly when it is used as a substitute for structural change. She found his reticence to address racial injustice head-on frustrating. Very quickly, the terms of Obama's political viability became clear."He had been framed as post-racial, beyond these issues," she says. "And that framing became a constraint on what he could say and how directly he could address racial injustice."Even when Obama did address racial inequality more explicitly in his second term – most notably after the killing of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin in 2012 – the focus, she felt, remained narrow, failing to address the systemic nature of the problem.The Future of Racial Justice in AmericaAs Crenshaw reflects on her life's work and the current political climate, she remains committed to the struggle for racial justice, even as her ideas face unprecedented opposition. "If speaking out means being at odds with people I love, well, so be it," she writes. "I still love them. I hope they still love me."Looking ahead, Crenshaw sees both challenges and opportunities in the fight for racial justice. The backlash against critical race theory and intersectionality, she argues, is a sign of the power these ideas hold to transform American society. "There's a long history in this country of using the threat of violence to keep people under heel," she observes. "But the resistance has always been there too, and it's getting stronger."As America continues to grapple with its racial legacy, Crenshaw's work – and the concept of intersectionality she pioneered – offers a framework for understanding the complex ways race, gender, and other identities intersect to shape experiences of discrimination and privilege. Whether this framework will survive the current political assault remains to be seen, but Crenshaw's decades of scholarship and activism have already left an indelible mark on American discourse and law.

The Upcoming West Bank Municipal Vote and Its ContextRamallah, occupied West Bank – On April 25, 2026 Palestinians will vote in municipal and village council elections, the first such contest since 2021. The elections were announced by the Palestinian Authority (PA) three months ago, promising a chance to address local grievances after a decade without national polls.Mayor Hani Odeh of Qusra—a town of roughly 6,000 residents surrounded by illegal Israeli settlements—will step down and will not appear on the ballot, reflecting a broader sense of futility among residents. Election Mechanics: Acclamation and Independent CandidaciesUnlike competitive races in many villages, major West Bank cities such as Ramallah and Nablus will be decided by acclamation: a single list of candidates is automatically appointed without a formal vote. Across the territory, 42 municipal councils and 155 village councils will be filled this way, representing a majority of local authorities.The practice, historically reserved for small, family‑based villages, is now used in PA strongholds to discourage opposition and maintain Fatah dominance. Numbers on the Ground: Candidates, Voter Demographics, and PA Salaries5,131 candidates competing for 90 municipal and 93 village councils.Nearly one‑third of voters are aged 18‑30, indicating a youthful electorate.88% of candidates are running as independents, avoiding explicit party labels.PA civil servants in Qusra receive salaries of 2,000 shekels ($670), a fraction of owed wages.Local business owner Fatima reports an 85% contraction in her enterprise, yet still pays a 16% VAT to the PA. Why the Vote May Not Shift the Status QuoInterviewees across the West Bank echo a “sense of futility.” Settler violence, military‑controlled gates, and chronic under‑funding have eroded confidence in any political change. As Zayne Abudaka of the Institute for Social and Economic Progress notes, the lack of campaign activity and the prevalence of acclamation reinforce voter disengagement.Broader structural issues compound the problem: Israel continues to withhold tax revenues earmarked for Palestinians, settlements expand, and the PA’s authority is limited in Areas A and B. A new amendment requiring candidates to affirm PLO agreements—intended to exclude Hamas—further blurs the line between local service delivery and national politics. Looking Ahead: Prospects for Palestinian Democratic ReformPollsters argue that while “Palestinians are thirsty for democracy,” the current architecture—late election announcements, weak legislative bodies, and opaque accountability—fails to translate votes into tangible change. Without a credible setup, sporadic elections risk remaining superficial.Potential scenarios include continued low turnout and reinforced PA dominance, or a gradual push for reforms such as earlier election scheduling, transparent financing, and genuine competition in major cities. The optimism expressed by young voters like Iyad Hani suggests a latent demand for change, but realizing it will require structural adjustments beyond the municipal ballot.

Local Elections Proceed Under Israeli RestrictionsOn 25 April 2026, Palestinians voted in municipal elections across the West Bank and Gaza despite a legal framework that leaves the territories under Israeli military control. The elections, organized by the Palestinian Central Elections Commission, were conducted without the ability to set independent electoral districts or guarantee security without Israeli coordination.Voting took place in 120 municipalities in the West Bank and 15 in Gaza.Israeli authorities retained final approval over candidate lists and polling station locations.Turnout Figures Reveal Public SentimentPreliminary results show a turnout of roughly 38% in the West Bank and 42% in Gaza, marking a decline from the 2019 municipal elections. The low participation is attributed to voter fatigue, skepticism about the efficacy of local councils, and restrictions on campaigning.Urban centers like Ramallah recorded a turnout of 31%, while smaller towns such as Qalqilya saw 45%.Hamas secured control of 9 Gaza municipalities, whereas the Palestinian Authority (PA) won 6 in the West Bank.Implications for Palestinian Authority and Hamas RivalryThe fragmented outcomes deepen the power struggle between the PA, led by Mahmoud Abbas, and Hamas, headed by Ismail Haniyeh. While the PA hopes to use the results to claim a mandate for renewed negotiations with Israel, Hamas views the elections as a platform to expand its governance footprint.International donors expressed concern that the lack of a unified Palestinian leadership could stall upcoming aid packages.Israel’s continued control over the electoral process limits the legitimacy of any elected body in the eyes of the global community.Future Scenarios for Palestinian Self‑GovernanceAnalysts predict three possible trajectories: (1) a gradual convergence of PA and Hamas policies leading to a unified front in future peace talks; (2) continued fragmentation, which could invite further Israeli intervention and undermine any prospect of statehood; or (3) a grassroots push for reform that pressures both factions to prioritize internal governance over external negotiations.Short‑term: Expect renewed calls from the United Nations for a transparent, internationally monitored election cycle.Mid‑term: Potential escalation of intra‑Palestinian tensions if service delivery by local councils remains hampered.Long‑term: The viability of a sovereign Palestinian state remains contingent on lifting Israeli restrictions that currently nullify electoral sovereignty.

Apology Amid Tragedy in Tumbler Ridge Sam Altman, CEO of OpenAI, released a letter of remorse after the company’s internal flagging of a ChatGPT account did not lead to a law‑enforcement alert. The letter, shared by the Tumbler RidgeLines news site and BC Premier David Eby, acknowledges the missed opportunity to prevent the deadliest school‑related shooting in recent Canadian history. Failure to Flag the Threat and Subsequent Apology In June 2025, OpenAI internally marked Jesse Van Rootselaar's ChatGPT usage for "misuse in furtherance of violent activities" and suspended the account. The company later stated the behavior did not meet its threshold for an imminent threat, so no police notification was made. After the February 10, 2026 attack, Altman admitted the decision was wrong and pledged to improve coordination with authorities. Human Toll and Corporate Response Numbers 8 victims killed, including the shooter’s mother, half‑brother, and five students. Victim count: 8 dead, multiple injured. OpenAI flagged the account in June 2025; suspension occurred shortly thereafter. Apology letter released on April 25, 2026. Implications for AI Safety Policies and Law Enforcement Collaboration The incident spotlights a growing regulatory pressure on AI developers to establish clear threat‑reporting protocols. Provincial leaders, including Premier David Eby, are now urging federal and provincial agencies to draft mandatory reporting guidelines for AI‑generated content that could signal violent intent. What the Future Holds for AI Threat Reporting OpenAI has committed to working with all levels of government to create a “real‑time” alert system for high‑risk interactions. Industry analysts predict that, within the next 12‑18 months, major AI firms will adopt standardized threat‑assessment frameworks, potentially subject to oversight by a new AI Safety Board.

The LeadAs a baby boomer and grandmother, the author shares her journey toward making her kitchen more sustainable, focusing on reducing waste, choosing durable cookware, and minimizing environmental impact while feeding her family.Sustainable Kitchen PracticesUsing fewer resources in the kitchen can result in net gains. By choosing equipment carefully, recycling plastic and foil food wraps, and being more mindful of power usage, it's possible to save money and minimize one's carbon footprint in the kitchen.Assessing and Borrowing Kitchen EquipmentA kitchen sustainability audit involves going through cupboards to identify unused items that could be better utilized by someone else. The kitchen library movement has emerged to reduce consumption of specialized equipment, allowing people to try before they buy or borrow as needed.Choosing Sustainable Cookware MaterialsWhen investing in new pots and pans, consider non-plastic options to avoid toxic chemicals like BPA and PFAS. Alternatives include stainless steel, cast iron, copper, recycled aluminum, and silicone. Look for products with proper certifications like LFGB to ensure safety.Eco-Friendly Kitchen MaintenanceModern energy-efficient dishwashers use less water than handwashing in their eco-cycles. Non-toxic, plastic-free dishwashing tablets, soap bars for handwashing, and brushes made from recycled or natural products offer sustainable alternatives for cleaning kitchenware.The Future of Sustainable KitchensAs awareness grows, more consumers are seeking durable, repairable kitchen equipment with extended warranties. The trend toward sharing resources through community libraries and take-back programs for materials like silicone indicates a shift toward a circular economy in kitchen practices.

The LeadIsrael has continued its attacks on southern Lebanon, hours after a ceasefire between the two countries was extended for a further three weeks. The Israeli military reported eliminating six Hezbollah fighters in Bint Jbeil, while Lebanese authorities confirmed two deaths in an Israeli air strike in Touline, demonstrating that the truce remains fragile despite diplomatic efforts.Continued Military Operations Despite CeasefireThe Israeli military maintains its presence in southern Lebanon, establishing a so-called "yellow line" in the region—similar to measures implemented in the Gaza Strip. Earlier reports indicate several people were wounded in an Israeli artillery attack on the town of Yater, while forced evacuation orders were issued for Deir Aames. Despite the truce, both sides have engaged in ongoing military activity, including air strikes, drone attacks, and rocket fire across the border.Escalating Casualties and Human CostThe human cost of the conflict continues to mount, with Lebanon's Health Ministry reporting that the casualty toll since fighting broke out on March 2 has reached 2,491 people killed and 7,719 wounded. These figures underscore the devastating impact of the conflict on civilian populations in the region, despite international efforts to broker a lasting ceasefire.Hezbollah's Response and Ceasefire CriticismIn response to the continued Israeli attacks, Hezbollah has dismissed the ceasefire extension as "meaningless." Hezbollah lawmaker Ali Fayyad stated that "the ceasefire is meaningless in light of Israel's insistence on hostile acts, including assassinations, shelling, and gunfire," adding that every Israeli attack gives Hezbollah the "right to retaliate." This position complicates diplomatic efforts and suggests the cycle of violence may continue despite formal truce agreements.International Reactions and Future OutlookInternational responses to the situation remain divided. Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu maintains that Israel is "maintaining full freedom of action against any threat" and accuses Hezbollah of "trying to sabotage" the ceasefire deal. Meanwhile, United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres welcomed the extension of the ceasefire and praised the US for its role in mediating the truce, emphasizing that "everyone must fully respect the cessation of hostilities, cease any further attacks & comply with their obligations under international law." The coming weeks will test whether diplomatic pressure can translate into a sustainable peace on the ground.

Meta Veteran Departs for Thinking Machines LabWeiyao Wang ended an eight‑year stint at Meta last week and joined Thinking Machines Lab (TML), marking the latest high‑profile move in a growing talent exodus from the social‑media giant to the AI startup.Multibillion‑Dollar Cloud Deal Powers TML’s GPU LeapTML announced a multibillion‑dollar agreement with Google Cloud at Google Cloud Next, granting the startup access to Nvidia’s latest GB300 chips. The deal places TML in the same infrastructure tier as Anthropic and Meta, following an earlier partnership with Nvidia.Valuation and Headcount Signal Rapid GrowthCurrent estimates value TML at roughly $12 billion, despite having released only one product to date. The company’s headcount has risen to about 140 employees, reflecting an aggressive hiring spree.Soumith Chintala – CTO, former Meta researcher and co‑founder of PyTorchPiotr Dollár – Technical staff, co‑author of Segment AnythingAndrea Madotto – Research scientist from Meta’s FAIR divisionJames Sun – Software engineer, nine‑year Meta veteranTalent War Intensifies Between Meta and Emerging AI StartupsMeta’s recent poaching of seven TML founders is mirrored by TML’s recruitment of senior Meta staff, making Meta both a source and a target in the AI talent scramble. A LinkedIn audit shows TML has hired more researchers from Meta than any other single employer.What the Next Funding Round Could Mean for the AI LandscapeIf TML leverages its cloud resources and talent pipeline into a new funding round, it could challenge the valuation dominance of OpenAI and Anthropic. Analysts anticipate heightened competition for GPU allocations and a possible acceleration of product releases, which may reshape partnership dynamics across the AI ecosystem.

A federal appeals panel declared President Donald Trump's 2025 asylum ban invalid, citing the Immigration and Nationality Act as guaranteeing the right to seek protection at the border. The ruling, issued on April 24, 2026, stops the enforcement of the proclamation and sets the stage for further appellate action. Judicial Rejection of the 2025 Asylum Proclamation The three‑judge panel of the US Court of Appeals in Washington, DC, concluded that the executive branch lacks authority to suspend asylum applications without congressional authorization. The court emphasized that the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) provides a mandatory process for asylum and removal, which the president cannot override by unilateral proclamation. Numbers Behind the Asylum Debate 945,000 asylum applications were filed in 2023, according to the Department of Homeland Security. January 20, 2025, sought to halt "the physical entry of aliens involved in an invasion" across the southern border. Implications for US Immigration Policy and Political Landscape The decision curtails a central pillar of Trump's 2024 re‑election platform, which framed migration as an "invasion" and promised strict border enforcement. Legal scholars note that the ruling reinforces judicial checks on executive immigration powers and may embolden future challenges to similar proclamations. What Comes Next: Appeals and Potential Supreme Court Review The White House, represented by spokesperson Karoline Leavitt, signaled intent to appeal the panel’s order to the full appellate court and, if necessary, to the Supreme Court. Should higher courts uphold the decision, the administration may need to pursue legislative avenues or redesign its immigration strategy within the bounds of the INA.

The Lead: Trump's Renewed Push for Capital PunishmentThe administration of United States President Donald Trump has announced plans to expand the use of the federal death penalty, including through the deployment of firing squads. This policy shift represents a significant reversal of the Biden administration's moratorium on federal executions and marks a return to more aggressive capital punishment enforcement at the federal level.The Policy Shift: DOJ's New Execution FrameworkThe announcement on Friday was part of a policy document issued by the Department of Justice, setting out the legal argument for various methods of execution. The document touted steps for "restoring and strengthening" the death penalty as integral to the pursuit of justice, with Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche stating that the federal death penalty had been "rendered a dead letter" under the previous administration.The policy document specifically explained that the administration will return to using the drug pentobarbital for lethal injections, as it had during Trump's first term. It also dismissed a government assessment expressing uncertainty about whether pentobarbital "causes unnecessary pain and suffering" during executions, claiming the Biden administration "got the science wrong" in stopping use of the drug.Legal Framework: Constitutional Arguments and Execution MethodsWhile the Eighth Amendment of the US Constitution outlaws "cruel and unusual punishments", the Justice Department maintains that execution by gunfire, electrocution and lethal gas are all legally acceptable. The report calls on the Federal Bureau of Prisons to consider expanding the federal death row and constructing an additional facility "to permit additional manners of execution".Currently, only five states allow firing squads for executions: Idaho, South Carolina, Utah, Mississippi and Oklahoma. The pace of such executions is picking up, with South Carolina authorizing at least three people to die by gunfire last year—the first such executions in 15 years—and Idaho passing a bill to make firing squads a primary method of execution.International Context: US Isolation on Capital PunishmentApproximately 55 countries permit capital punishment, though there has been a global trend towards ending the practice. Roughly 141 countries have abolished the death penalty, including all but one European nation—Belarus—as well as the US's neighbors, Mexico and Canada. This places the United States in a relatively isolated position internationally regarding capital punishment policies.Critics of the policy warn that capital punishment is disproportionately meted out against minorities and the underprivileged. They also note the rate of wrongful convictions in death penalty cases, with the Death Penalty Information Center estimating that at least 202 people in the US have been exonerated since 1973 after receiving death sentences.Political Implications: Reversing Biden's LegacyThe Trump administration has explicitly taken aim at Trump's predecessor, Democrat Joe Biden, for implementing a moratorium on the federal executions. In December 2024, during the waning days of his presidency, Biden commuted the sentences of 37 of the 40 inmates on the federal government's death row to life imprisonment.In Friday's statement, Blanche pledged that the Trump White House would seek to reverse Biden's move, stating "Justice had been thwarted" and that "Under President Trump's leadership, the Department of Justice will do everything in its power to reverse these failures and restore justice." The administration argues that capital punishment is a necessary penalty for severe crimes and that these steps provide "long-overdue closure to surviving loved ones."