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Fuel‑price protests have erupted across the Republic of Ireland, described by observers as the most serious civil unrest since the state’s founding in the 1920s. Demonstrators, largely farm contractors and hauliers, have staged "go‑slow" convoys on motorways, blocked ports and even targeted the country’s sole oil refinery at Whitegate, County Cork. The unrest mirrors France’s Yellow Vests movement in its focus on carbon taxes and fuel duties, but unlike the French case it is being triggered by an external shock: the closure of the Strait of Hormuz after the United States and Israel launched a military campaign against Iran in late February 2026. The strait carries roughly 20% of global oil and LNG shipments, and its blockage has precipitated a sharp rise in fuel costs in Ireland – diesel up about 28% and petrol by 25%. By the weekend, around 40% of Irish petrol stations were empty, leaving many motorists stranded. In response, the Dublin coalition government ordered the army to clear blockades and authorised the police (An Garda Síochána) to make arrests, though the total number of detainees has not been disclosed. To quell the crisis, the government unveiled a package of concessions worth nearly $600 million. The measures include a 10% discount on diesel and petrol and a postponement of a planned carbon tax, aimed at both motorists and the broader food‑production sector (farming and fishing). The Taoiseach and Tánaiste have appealed for an end to the protests and urged dialogue through representative bodies. Public sentiment is split. A poll by the Sunday Independent found that 56% of respondents initially backed the protesters, but growing disruption – such as the cancellation of scheduled surgeries and travel difficulties for the elderly – appears to be eroding that support. Analysts highlight deeper structural issues in Ireland’s agri‑economy. Patrick Bresnihan of Maynooth University warned that the protests expose “deep inequalities and contradictions” in a system dominated by export‑oriented dairy and beef production, where many workers face precarious, seasonal contracts. While the protests have not ignited a comparable far‑right surge seen in parts of Europe, commentators caution that the unrest could provide fertile ground for populist narratives. Right‑wing groups in Germany, Spain and France have previously linked agricultural grievances to broader anti‑EU sentiment, though such movements remain marginal in Ireland. In Northern Ireland, planned blockades largely failed to materialise. Minor “go‑slow” convoys caused brief diversions, but no major infrastructure was seized and only a handful of fines were issued. Experts, including Queen’s University Belfast anthropologist Dominic Bryan, suggest the limited turnout reflects a lack of cohesive demands and organizational capacity north of the border. Political fallout in Dublin includes a confidence vote survived by the coalition after Sinn Féin’s challenge, and the resignation of junior minister Michael Healy‑Rea, who was cheered by protesters outside Leinster House. Overall, the fuel‑price protests underscore how a regional conflict in the Middle East can cascade into domestic unrest in Europe, intertwining energy security, rural economics and political stability.

Aaron Pierre delivers a storming, almost hypnotic performance as Randle P. McMurphy, instantly igniting the stale atmosphere of a 1960s American psychiatric ward. His swagger‑filled stride and sudden, childlike scampers create a compelling contrast that keeps the audience on edge.From the opening moments, McMurphy clashes with the authoritarian Nurse Ratched (Olivia Williams), provoking the other patients to rebel, play, and celebrate life beyond the ward’s walls. Pierre’s physicality—alternating between boisterous hugs and a frantic, vulnerable laugh—captures the character’s chaotic charisma.Director Clint Dyer, fresh from his acclaimed 2022 Othello, reshapes the narrative by casting the inmates almost entirely with Black actors. This choice injects a fresh political dimension, turning the patients into “pawns in a system designed to disempower.” Each time Ratched addresses them as “boys,” the line feels like an implicit sneer.While the script does not overtly discuss race—apart from Chief Bromden’s (Arthur Boan) Indigenous background—the production foregrounds the systemic misogyny embedded in both the novel and the 1963 Dale Wasserman adaptation. McMurphy’s mantra, “I fight and fuck,” teeters between liberated individualism and a problematic reclamation of alpha‑male tropes.Olivia Williams, who stepped into the role of Nurse Ratched late in rehearsals, gives the character a “ramrod spine and starched smile.” Her performance underscores the unchecked cruelty of a regime where the doctor (Matthew Steer) is a peripheral, snickering figure, leaving Ratched’s authority unchecked and increasingly vicious.Ken Kesey’s own experience as a government‑run LSD guinea‑pig informs the play’s visceral critique of psychiatry. The production’s lighting, designed by Chris Davey, erupts in scarlet and blue hues that echo the anti‑psychiatry movement of the 1960s, while the depiction of medication, group therapy, and electroconvulsive therapy feels deliberately brutal.Staged in the round at the Old Vic, the audience becomes a “ring of often appalled observers.” Ben Stone’s set design, with its white and pond‑green tiles beneath a soaring ceiling, creates a claustrophobic floor that simultaneously aspires upward—mirroring the characters’ yearning for freedom.The ensemble, led by Giles Terera’s refined Dale Harding, adds subtle layers of tension through nuanced tics and gestures. Dyer bookends the show with a reference to Congo Square in New Orleans, a historic site of Black and Indigenous resistance, framing the play’s cruelty through a lens of cultural resilience—though the production remains largely filtered through a male gaze.The production runs at the Old Vic until 23 May 2026, offering London audiences a bold, politically charged reinterpretation of a classic American drama.

On the third anniversary of Sudan's civil war, international donors have pledged $1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to alleviate the suffering of millions affected by the conflict. The pledges were made during a conference in Berlin, attended by about a dozen foreign ministers and over 60 delegations.United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres described the anniversary as a 'tragic milestone in a conflict that has shattered a country of immense promise.' He emphasized that the consequences of the war are not confined to Sudan, but are destabilizing the wider region.The conflict in Sudan began in April 2023, when fighting erupted between the military and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) after a long-simmering power struggle. The war has resulted in nearly 34 million people needing humanitarian assistance and over 4.5 million being forced to flee their homes.Guterres also highlighted the dire situation for women and girls in Sudan, who have been terrorized and subjected to systematic sexual violence. The conference aimed to not only rally donors but also to help revive stalled negotiations to end the fighting, although the two sides fighting the war were excluded.Sudan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs criticized the meeting as a 'colonial tutelage approach,' accusing Western leaders of trying to impose their agenda and vision without consulting or coordinating with Khartoum. The ministry stated that it 'will not accept that countries and regional and international organizations convene to decide on its affairs and bypass the Sudanese government under the pretext of neutrality.'German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul announced that his country pledged 212 million euros ($250m) in humanitarian aid and thanked donors for their pledges. He emphasized that the aid will help alleviate the suffering of the people in Sudan, save lives, and show that the conflict has not been forgotten.

When fighting erupted in Sudan’s streets in April 2023, families fled their homes, cities and even the country itself. Three years on, the exodus continues, with millions still on the move.The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) surveyed 1,293 displaced households in Sudan, Chad and South Sudan, exposing a grim cycle of loss. Each forced relocation strips survivors of the last remnants of their former lives.According to the findings, about 90 % of respondents have lost their homes and nearly three‑quarters report having no income. Food scarcity has become critical: more than 80 % of households in Sudan and virtually all in South Sudan regularly skip meals.Within Sudan alone, over nine million people remain displaced, while an estimated 28.9 million face acute hunger. The cumulative trauma is evident—by the fourth displacement, almost two‑thirds of individuals feel completely exhausted and depleted of resources, and roughly 65 % have been separated from family members.Despite these hardships, a remarkable degree of solidarity persists. In Sudan and Chad, one in three aid recipients continue to share their limited supplies with neighbors, strangers and newly arrived families.“In Sudan now, you are always running,” says Amina, who escaped Khartoum with four children and only the clothes on her back after her husband vanished in the early days of the fighting. “Running from war. Running for food.”Education has collapsed: only 45 % of displaced children across the three nations attend school regularly, while 18 % of households have been forced to send children to work.The NRC’s conclusion is stark. While resilience and generosity have kept the humanitarian response afloat, communities are signaling that they can no longer bear the burden alone. The mutual support that has acted as an “invisible backbone” is now stretched to its breaking point.This photo essay is provided by the Norwegian Refugee Council.

Argentina’s justice system has reopened the case surrounding the death of football icon Diego Maradona, with prosecutors branding his medical team as “a bunch of amateurs” who missed a critical window to save him.The trial of seven healthcare professionals—doctors, psychologists and nurses—resumed on Tuesday in San Isidro, a suburb of Buenos Aires, after the original proceedings were annulled when a presiding judge was found to have participated in a documentary about the case.Maradona, who died in November 2020 at age 60 while recuperating from surgery for a brain clot, is alleged to have suffered from heart failure and acute pulmonary edema two weeks post‑operation. Prosecutor Patricio Ferrari asserted that the patient began to deteriorate 12 hours before his official death and that a timely transfer to a clinic could have prevented the fatal outcome.According to the indictment, the defendants’ decision to keep Maradona at home rather than in a hospital, coupled with a series of “omissions” described as “cruel,” constitutes homicide with possible intent. If convicted, each could face prison terms ranging from eight to 25 years.The new proceedings, expected to conclude by July at the earliest, will hear testimony from roughly 120 witnesses. Among the accused, former team doctor Leopoldo Luque and other staff members will be scrutinized for their role in the athlete’s care.Maradona’s family—daughters Dalma, Gianinna and Jana, and former partner Veronica Ojeda—attended the hearing, urging the courts to deliver “justice for Diego” and allow the legend to “rest in peace.” Outside, about 50 supporters waved Argentine flags and signs demanding accountability for the beloved “D10s.”Defense counsel Vadim Mischanchuk argued that the former star’s death resulted from a “progressive decline in his health” rather than medical malpractice, emphasizing that the condition was natural and unavoidable.Legal analyst Fernando Burlando, representing the Maradona family, highlighted the absence of a stethoscope on the legend’s chest during the critical two‑week period, using the instrument as a stark symbol of alleged negligence.The case revives national grief that first erupted when Maradona’s body lay in state at the presidential palace, drawing tens of thousands of mourners amid the COVID‑19 pandemic.

Haiti has entered a period of national mourning following a tragic stampede at the historic Citadelle Laferriere in the northern part of the country. At least 25 people lost their lives in the chaos that erupted at the entrance of the citadel on Saturday, as a mix of visitors attempted to exit and enter the site.The Ministry of Culture and Communication has taken swift action, firing two government officials in the aftermath of the disaster. One, a director at the Institute for the Preservation of National Heritage, was accused of 'serious negligence,' while the other, a Ministry employee, was criticized for 'biased passivity.'The government has stated that it believes the tragedy was the result of administrative negligence and has vowed to 'fully assume its responsibilities.' The event has sparked widespread outrage and highlights the multiple crises facing the Haitian government ahead of its general elections later this year.The stampede was exacerbated by stormy weather conditions, with heavy rain battering northern Haiti and prompting event participants to seek shelter. The inclement weather also caused flooding in other parts of the country, resulting in approximately 12 additional deaths and 900 homes being inundated.This tragedy is the latest challenge for Haiti, which has been grappling with gang violence and political instability, particularly since the assassination of President Jovenel Moise in 2021. The situation has led to 16,000 deaths and 1.5 million displaced since 2022, according to UN reports.

The U.S. Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) confirmed on Monday that its forces carried out a kinetic air strike against a boat navigating known narco‑trafficking routes in the eastern Pacific, resulting in the deaths of two men identified as "male narco‑terrorists". The operation was executed under the orders of U.S. Commander General Francis L. Donovan, who cited intelligence reports linking the vessel to Latin American drug‑smuggling networks. A grainy video released alongside the statement shows a stationary craft with outboard engines and nearby fishing‑net floats being hit from the air before erupting in flames. SOUTHCOM described the attack as a "lethal kinetic strike" aimed at disrupting illicit trafficking. This incident marks the second day in a row that U.S. forces have targeted vessels in the Pacific. The previous day, the military reported destroying two boats, killing five individuals and leaving one survivor whose fate remains unclear. SOUTHCOM indicated that the U.S. Coast Guard had been alerted to the survivor's situation. According to SOUTHCOM, the cumulative impact of these operations since September exceeds 170 fatalities across dozens of strikes in the eastern Pacific and Caribbean waters. The figures have drawn sharp criticism from international law scholars, human‑rights organizations, and regional governments, who label the campaign as a series of extrajudicial killings that may have targeted civilian fishermen rather than confirmed cartel operatives. While the Trump administration maintains that the strikes are a legitimate component of its broader war on drug cartels in Latin America, it has yet to provide concrete evidence linking the targeted vessels to illicit drug activities. The lack of transparency continues to fuel debate over the legality and morality of conducting lethal force in international waters.

A French court has fined Lafarge, a French cement maker, more than €1m (£870,000) and sentenced its former boss, Bruno Lafont, to six years in prison for paying protection money to Islamic State and other terror groups to maintain its business in war-torn Syria from 2013 to 2014.The ruling follows a 2022 case in the United States in which Lafarge pleaded guilty to conspiring to provide material support to US-designated “terrorist” organisations and agreed to pay a $778m fine (£580m). This was the first time a company had faced the charge.The Paris court found that Lafarge, which is now part of the Swiss conglomerate Holcim, paid nearly €5.6m via its subsidiary Lafarge Cement Syria (LCS) to terror groups and intermediaries to keep its plant operating in northern Syria.The company’s former chief executive, Bruno Lafont, was sentenced to six years in prison for financing terrorism, which a judge ordered him to start serving immediately. Lafont’s lawyer said he would appeal.The presiding judge, Isabelle Prevost-Desprez, said: “This method of financing terrorist organisations, and primarily IS, was essential in enabling the terrorist organisation to gain control of Syria’s natural resources, allowing it to finance terrorist acts within the region and those planned abroad, particularly in Europe.”Lafarge established a “genuine commercial partnership with IS”, she said, which added to the “extreme gravity of the offences”.Lafarge had finished building a $680m factory in Jalabiya in 2010, just before Syria’s civil war erupted in March the following year amid opposition to the brutal repression of anti-government protests by the then president, Bashar al-Assad.While other multinational companies left Syria in 2012, Lafarge evacuated only its expatriate employees and left its Syrian staff in place until September 2014, when IS seized control of the factory.In 2013 and 2014, LCS paid intermediaries to access raw materials from the Islamic State organisation and other groups and to allow free movement for the company’s trucks and employees. It paid groups including Islamic State and Syria’s then al-Qaida affiliate Jabhat al-Nusra.

FIFA has officially declined the Iranian Football Federation’s (FFIRI) appeal to relocate its 2026 World Cup games from the United States to Mexico, stating that the logistical complexities of moving the matches are prohibitive, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum confirmed. The request, lodged last month, was met with a firm response from the sport’s governing body: all scheduled fixtures will proceed in the United States as originally drawn, eliminating any prospect of Mexican venues hosting Iran’s team. Sheinbaum reiterated the stance at a press conference in Mexico City, emphasizing that “FIFA ultimately decided that the matches cannot be moved from their original venues,” and that attempting relocation would create untenable logistical hurdles. FIFA declined to comment to Al Jazeera regarding the confirmation of Iran’s host venues. The backdrop to this dispute is the ongoing US‑Israel war against Iran, which erupted on 28 February, killing Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and 168 people in a girls’ school on the first day of hostilities. Tehran retaliated with missile and drone strikes on Israeli and U.S. military installations across the Middle East. A Pakistan‑mediated ceasefire halted the exchanges on Wednesday, though Israel continues operations in parts of Lebanon. Iran was among the earliest qualifiers from the Asian confederation and is placed in Group G alongside Belgium, Egypt and New Zealand. The team’s three group matches are slated for the U.S. West Coast: Los Angeles on 15 June and 21 June, and Seattle on 26 June. While Mexico, a co‑host of the tournament with the United States and Canada, initially expressed willingness to accommodate Iran’s fixtures, President Sheinbaum’s recent remarks align with FIFA President Gianni Infantino’s position. Infantino, who met Iranian players, coaches and officials in Turkey on 31 March, affirmed that “the matches will be played where they are supposed to be, according to the draw.” Infantino also dismissed speculation that Iran might boycott the tournament altogether after FFIRI President Mehdi Taj warned of a potential boycott if security could not be guaranteed in the United States. Earlier, former U.S. President Donald Trump posted on social media that Iran’s participation would be unsafe, prompting Taj to state that Iran would refuse to travel to America under those conditions. Iranian Sports Minister Ahmad Donyamali later warned that Iran’s World Cup involvement remains uncertain unless FIFA relocates the games, underscoring the political sensitivity surrounding the event. In summary, despite regional conflict, diplomatic tensions, and security concerns voiced by Iranian officials, FIFA’s decision ensures that Iran will compete in the United States as originally scheduled, preserving the tournament’s logistical integrity.