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The European Union's alliance with Israel could be on the cusp of a significant transformation. Changing dynamics in the region may lead to a re-evaluation of their partnership. Details about the potential changes are scarce, but geopolitical developments and shifting priorities could be driving factors behind the possible shift. The EU and Israel have historically maintained a complex relationship, with areas of cooperation existing alongside points of contention. Any changes to their alliance could have far-reaching implications for the region.

Peter Magyar, the prime‑minister‑elect of Hungary’s Tisza (Respect and Freedom) party, announced a sweeping media reform plan as he prepares to form a new government following a historic landslide that ended Viktor Orbán’s 16‑year rule. In a televised interview – his first appearance on state TV in 18 months – Magyar accused the public broadcaster of operating as a “propaganda machine” and pledged to suspend news broadcasts on state media until a new legal framework is enacted. He described the current staff of the public broadcaster MTVA as having worked under “total intimidation and political terror,” and vowed to establish a new media law, an independent media authority, and professional standards that would restore genuine public‑service journalism. During the same appearance, Magyar confronted President Tamas Sulyok, labeling him “unworthy to embody the unity of the Hungarian nation” and demanding his resignation once the new cabinet takes office. Beyond the political overhaul, Magyar faces a pressing fiscal challenge: more than €16 billion ($19 bn) of EU COVID‑19 recovery funding remains frozen over rule‑of‑law disputes, with an end‑of‑August deadline to meet Brussels’ conditions or risk losing the money. The incoming premier said he has already spoken with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and will begin informal consultations before the formal government is sworn in in May. Magyar outlined four priority reform areas: anti‑corruption measures, accession to the European Public Prosecutor’s Office, restoration of judicial independence, and the revival of media and academic freedoms. Analysts caution that entrenched Orban loyalists within key institutions could complicate the reform trajectory. These moves signal a decisive break from the previous administration’s media consolidation—where a pro‑Orban conglomerate now controls over 400 outlets—and set the stage for Hungary’s next chapter in both domestic governance and its relationship with the European Union.

On April 15, 2026, the Italian government declared that it is suspending its long‑standing defence agreement with Israel. The move marks a significant shift in the bilateral security framework that has existed for decades. While the official statement did not detail the reasons behind the decision, the suspension itself underscores a re‑evaluation of Italy's defence and foreign‑policy priorities in the region. Analysts note that such a step could have broader implications for European‑Middle Eastern cooperation, potentially affecting joint training, intelligence sharing, and procurement projects that were previously covered under the pact. Both nations are expected to engage in diplomatic dialogues to manage the transition and assess the future of their strategic partnership.

US President Donald Trump has launched a scathing attack on Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, one of his key European allies, over her stance on the conflict with Iran. In an interview with the Italian daily Corriere della Sera, Trump expressed his disappointment, stating, “I’m shocked at her. I thought she had courage, but I was wrong.”Trump's criticism centers on Meloni's refusal to join the US-Israel coalition against Iran, a stance that has put her at odds with Trump. “She’s unacceptable because she doesn’t mind that Iran has a nuclear weapon and would blow up Italy in two minutes if they had the chance,” Trump said. This statement underscores the deepening divide between the US and Italy on the issue.Meloni, who has been Italy's leader since October 2022, was once considered one of Trump's closest allies in Europe. However, their relationship has soured recently. Trump noted that they had not spoken in a long time, adding, “She doesn’t help us with NATO. She doesn’t want to help get rid of a nuclear-weaponed Iran. Very sad … She’s much different than I thought,” highlighting his disappointment in Meloni's shift away from his policies.The rift between Trump and Meloni comes as Italy has suspended a defense agreement with Israel, which involves the exchange of military equipment and technology research. This move follows accusations by the Italian government that Israeli forces fired warning shots at a convoy of Italian peacekeepers in Lebanon. Tensions between Italy and Israel have been escalating, adding another layer of complexity to the situation.In response to Trump's comments, Meloni's allies and political opponents rallied to her defense. Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani emphasized Italy's commitment to Western unity and mutual respect, stating, “We are and remain staunch supporters of Western unity and steadfast allies of the United States, but this unity is built on mutual loyalty, respect, and honesty.” Elly Schlein, leader of the centre-left Democratic Party, condemned Trump's “serious lack of respect” and reiterated Italy's constitutional repudiation of war.

At the Metropolitano, Barcelona appeared to be in control early on, with Lamine Yamal delivering a pinpoint cross that set up a near‑certain goal for Fermín López. The strike was thwarted by a spectacular save from Juan Musso, leaving López drenched in claret. Had the ball found the net, Barcelona would have taken a 3‑0 lead and an advantage in the tie after already scoring through Yamal and Ferran Torres in the opening half‑hour.The deadlock was broken when Charlton‑trained forward Ademola Lookman netted the decisive goal, sending Atlético Madrid into the Bigger Cup semi‑finals. The victory sparked an exuberant reaction from coach Diego Simeone, who praised his side’s enthusiasm and readiness for the next challenge, hinting at a possible showdown with Arsenal or Sporting.In the aftermath, Barcelona winger Raphinha launched a scathing critique of referee Clément Turpin, alleging that the officiating had robbed his team not only in the second leg but also in the first. The Brazilian warned that his comments could land him on UEFA’s disciplinary “naughty step,” with precedent suggesting a suspension of at least three matches for such language.The controversy deepened as Turpin refrained from issuing any bookings to Atlético players and denied Barcelona what they believed were two clear penalty opportunities across both legs. Musso, who had earlier saved López’s chance, dismissed the accusations, emphasizing that the match was decided on the pitch and that disciplinary actions are part of the game’s reality.Further coverage of the European fixtures, including live updates from the Bigger Cup quarter‑finals and analysis from Guardian experts, is available on the publication’s football portal.

The EU's new entry-exit system (EES) has caused significant delays at several European airports, with travellers waiting up to three hours at border checks. The system, which came into effect on Friday in the Schengen countries, requires passengers from non-EU countries to register their personal information and biometrics at the border.Passengers in airports in countries such as France, Germany, Belgium, Italy, Spain, and Greece are experiencing several hours of waiting at border checks, according to the Airports Council International (ACI) body. Olivier Jankovec, the director of the ACI European division, warned that the situation will be "simply unmanageable" in the coming weeks and peak summer months.The EES has been gradually introduced since October and has already caused long delays at some airports. On Sunday, the BBC reported that more than 100 passengers were unable to board an easyJet flight from Milan to Manchester before it took off due to delays at passport desks.Airport representatives and the European Commission held a meeting to discuss problems with the system on Tuesday. The ACI has asked to extend existing exemptions and the power to fully suspend the new checks. Jankovec told the FT that the ACI needed the ability to "fully suspend EES registration whenever there are excessive waiting times at border control that are just unmanageable".A spokesperson for the European Commission said that the system is working well, with an average registration time of 70 seconds per passenger. However, the ACI has claimed that it can take up to five minutes. The commission said that there were a "few member states where technical issues have been detected" but that they "are being addressed".The EES has registered more than 52m entries and exits, as well as more than 27,000 refusals of entry, since its introduction in October. Almost 700 people were identified as posing a security threat.

The Brexit debate has taken a significant turn, with Keir Starmer's government now openly acknowledging the need for closer ties with the EU. This shift in approach comes as the UK faces increasing global uncertainty, including Vladimir Putin's territorial aggression, Donald Trump's geopolitical vandalism, and China's emergence as a superpower.In opposition, Starmer had pushed Brexit to the margin of debate. However, in government, he has learned that Europe is central to Britain's interests, whether discussed or not. The avoidance of painful arguments from the past has turned out to be a handicap when making plans for the future.Labour's 2024 general election manifesto had pretended that Brexit was a historical event, something Boris Johnson got 'done' in 2020. However, the relationship with the EU cannot be settled due to its evolving nature and the UK's position as an ex-member on its border.The options are now more Brexit or less, never a steady state. Johnson's Brexit deal was structured to accelerate separation over time, with the theory that divergence from EU rules would give Britain a competitive advantage. However, this Eurosceptic fantasy has been exposed as wrong, with the UK now seeking to put Johnson's divergence ratchet into reverse.Downing Street's acceptance of this logic has been flagged by a gradual change in rhetoric, with the prime minister now listing Brexit as an affliction in the same category as the Covid pandemic. The chancellor, Rachel Reeves, identifies closer integration with Europe as 'the biggest prize' in a dash for growth.To facilitate a more intimate relationship, the government proposes legislation that will give ministers open-ended powers to adopt EU standards for various sectors of the economy. This 'dynamic alignment' is supposed to make it easier for businesses to move goods into the single market and make Britain a more attractive destination for investment.However, the Conservatives and Reform UK are appalled, objecting to the circumvention of future legislative scrutiny by the use of so-called Henry VIII powers. The real grievance is the old ideological one, equating any application of single market rules to colonisation by Brussels.As Starmer tries to go in this direction, he will collide with familiar Brexit obstacles. The European Commission will insist there can be no 'cherrypicking' from the single market; that non-member states wanting to enjoy the benefits of a European club can expect to pay subscription fees into European budgets.Opinion polls routinely show a clear majority of voters think Brexit has gone badly. The logic of pooling resources with continental neighbours can only grow in the light of wildfires started by Trump along the international horizon.Starmer knows these conditions permit a more assertive agenda of EU integration. However, it is hard to take bolder strides within red lines – no free movement; no single market membership; no customs union – drawn when Labour's Europe policy was defined by the preference to change the subject.

The ongoing conflict in Iran has led to a significant increase in oil prices, with the world's top 100 oil and gas companies reaping enormous profits. In the first month of the war, these companies banked more than $30m every hour in unearned profit, according to exclusive analysis for the Guardian. This translates to estimated windfall profits of $23bn for the month of March, with Saudi Aramco, Gazprom, and ExxonMobil among the biggest beneficiaries.The surge in oil prices to an average of $100 (£74) a barrel has resulted in a substantial increase in profits for these companies. If the oil price continues to average $100, the companies are expected to make $234bn by the end of the year. The analysis uses data from a leading intelligence provider, Rystad Energy, analysed by Global Witness.The excess profits come from the pockets of ordinary people as they pay high prices to fill up their vehicles and power their homes, as well as from businesses incurring higher energy bills. Dozens of countries have cut fuel taxes to help struggling consumers, but this has resulted in reduced revenue for public services.Pressure is growing for windfall taxes on the war profits of oil and gas companies, with the European Commission considering a request from the finance ministers of Germany, Spain, Italy, Portugal, and Austria. The ministers argue that this would help ease the burden on the general public and finance temporary relief measures.Aramco is expected to make a war profit of $25.5bn in 2026 if the oil price averages $100. This is on top of the huge profits habitually made by the majority state-owned Saudi company – $250m a day between 2016 to 2023. ExxonMobil, which has a long record of denying climate change, will take in $11bn in unearned war profits in 2026 if the $100 price endures.The impact of the Iran war is likely to be long lasting, with the head of the International Energy Agency, Fatih Birol, describing it as the biggest shock ever to the global energy market. The UN's climate chief, Simon Stiell, warned that fossil fuel dependency is ripping away national security and sovereignty, and replacing it with subservience and rising costs.

Leeds, the largest European city still without a mass‑transit system, may finally see a tram line – but not before the late 2030s. The latest West Yorkshire Mass Transit plan, championed by combined‑authority mayor Tracy Brabin, received a fresh £200 million in development funding, part of a broader £2.1 billion allocation for the region.City council leader James Lewis, who began his career on a 1993 work‑experience placement with the council’s highways department, says the new scheme differs from past attempts. Instead of squeezing trams onto existing bus routes, the proposal envisions a dedicated line that could “float over or under the M621 motorway, similar to the Docklands Light Railway,” linking the White Rose shopping centre, Elland Road stadium, Leeds railway station and St James’s Hospital.The Treasury’s independent review, however, forced the government to demand a fresh business case that proves the need for trams rather than buses. This procedural hurdle has added roughly two years to the timetable, pushing the projected opening into the late 2030s. Brabin acknowledges the setback, noting critics now claim the project is effectively “cancelled,” but she insists the work is merely delayed, not abandoned.Leeds’ transport woes date back to the removal of its historic double‑deck tram network in 1959 and the construction of the M621, which many locals blame for isolating the city’s south side. A 2025 Treasury review warned that previous “Supertram” proposals failed because they could not demonstrate sufficient value for money, leading to the withdrawal of funding in 2005 and the abandonment of a trolley‑bus plan in 2016.Supporters argue the tram is essential for unlocking massive regeneration. Leeds United investor Pete Lowy predicts the line could catalyse up to £1 billion of investment, including 2,500 new homes, retail and leisure space, and a 15,000‑seat stadium expansion. Northern Powerhouse Partnership chief executive Henri Murison points to the emerging South Gateway development in Bradford as evidence that transport‑led investment is already materialising.Critics remain sceptical. Leeds University transport professor Greg Marsden questions how an 18‑year‑long project can still be justified, while local residents voice doubts that a tram can ever be built in a city they consider “not big enough.” Tom Forth, co‑founder of data‑city firm Information Group, blames centralised decision‑making in London, arguing that devolved funding would accelerate delivery.In the meantime, the council is focusing on improving bus services, which will come under public control in 2027. Centre for Cities analyst Rob Johnson notes that increasing bus frequencies could immediately benefit the 390,000 residents currently poorly connected, potentially delivering more mobility gains than a tram in the short term.Nevertheless, Brabin maintains that trams are “more attractive, carry more passengers, and generate more jobs and growth” than buses, and she reaffirms her promise: “I promised a tram, and a tram is what we’re going to get.” The pledge to have “spades in the ground” by 2028 for preparatory works remains on the table, even as the project navigates the Treasury’s stringent process.