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Ten years after Prince’s death, friends and collaborators such as George Clinton, Apollonia Kotero and drummer Charles “Chazz” Smith share personal memories that illuminate his musical brilliance and private life.George Clinton, the legendary leader of Parliament‑Funkadelic, remembers meeting the 19‑year‑old Prince in 1977 and immediately recognizing a talent “a new version of Sly Stone.” Clinton praised Prince’s ability to master guitar, keyboards, bass and drums, noting his “arranging genius” inherited from his pianist father and his dance flair “like James Brown.” Clinton also recalled how Prince later signed him to Paisley Park Records and inducted him into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame, cementing a friendship that survived countless late‑night studio sessions.Apollonia Kotero, actress and singer who starred alongside Prince in the 1984 film Purple Rain, describes a bond that spanned 33 years. She recounts the grueling shoot—jumping into a freezing lake, suffering hypothermia, and Prince’s frantic plea, “Please don’t die, Apple. I love you.” Their relationship, she says, was “family, not romance,” and Prince’s protective nature shone when he cared for her during illness. Kotero also recalls a surreal moment when Prince hummed the opening melody of “When Doves Cry” into her answerphone, urging her “Don’t erase this!” as a reminder of his creative process.Beyond the studio, Kotero notes Prince’s voracious appetite for literature and politics, his 3 a.m. visits that turned into midnight drives across Hollywood, and his habit of showing her walls plastered with fan mail—a testament to his deep connection with his audience.Charles “Chazz” Smith, Prince’s cousin and original drummer in the early band Grand Central, paints a picture of Prince’s childhood obsession with music. After a spontaneous Sly and the Family Stone concert in Minneapolis, Prince declared, “We’re gonna form a band, and you’re gonna be the drummer.” Within weeks, a newly gifted guitar allowed him to replicate Santana’s “Black Magic Woman” note for note, signalling the start of an insatiable drive to master every genre—from rock to funk to ballads.In the final months of his life, Prince’s friends observed a shift. He reclaimed the rights to his catalog in 2014, began repaying debts, and expressed grief over the death of Vanity, his longtime muse. Smith recalls a poignant encounter six weeks before Prince’s passing: after a brief hug, they exchanged the words “I love you,” marking the last conversation they ever shared.These testimonies collectively reveal a portrait of Prince that goes beyond his public persona: a relentless virtuoso, a compassionate confidant, and an artist whose influence continues to reverberate a decade after his untimely death.

The newly opened V&A East Museum in Stratford marks the latest milestone in the East Bank cultural quarter on the Queen Elizabeth Olympic Park. The £135 million, architect‑designed outpost sits beside the V&A Storehouse—recently listed among Time’s “World’s Greatest Places to Visit 2026”—and joins Sadler’s Wells East, the London College of Fashion and the forthcoming BBC Music Studios.Once described by V&A East director Gus Casely‑Hayford as “a place where fridges went to die”, the area has been transformed into a vibrant creative hub. Yet outside London, many venues face falling visitor numbers, job cuts and closures, highlighting a stark contrast with the newly polished facilities.Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy is betting on the Arts Everywhere Fund—a £1.5 billion package over five years announced in 2025—to shore up the sector’s creaking infrastructure. This week, £130 million was distributed to more than 130 museums, theatres, venues and libraries, representing the largest cash injection into the arts for a decade.The funding reaches a diverse range of institutions, from Newcastle’s iconic Baltic Centre for Contemporary Art to the modest Armitt Museum in Ambleside, and from the Royal Shakespeare Company in Stratford to Gloucestershire’s trailblazing TwoCan Theatre Company, which offers workshops for deaf, neurodivergent and disabled participants.Despite these initiatives, the UK remains among the lowest spenders on culture in Europe, with per‑capita public funding down nearly a third since 2010. Nevertheless, the cultural sector contributed an estimated £40 billion to the economy in 2024, underscoring its role as a significant wealth generator and a soft‑power asset.Financial support must also reach the people who run these institutions. Over the past year, staff at several leading museums have staged protests and faced redundancies, and even before its doors opened, V&A East workers sent an open letter demanding a living wage for all employees.In its inaugural year, the V&A Storehouse attracted 500,000 visitors, many of whom were younger, more diverse and locally based than the museum’s traditional audiences. The new V&A East hopes to replicate this success, emphasizing the need for parallel investment in arts education to nurture future audiences.Decades of neglect cannot be reversed overnight, and costs continue to rise. While the Arts Everywhere Fund is a cause for celebration, it also signals Labour’s broader commitment to making art accessible to everyone, reinforcing the message that, even in tough times, culture matters.

Scotland’s women’s rugby team is set to make history on Saturday by playing a standalone match at Murrayfield Stadium, the national venue traditionally reserved for the men’s side. The fixture against long‑time rivals England marks the first time the team will host a Six Nations game at Scotland’s premier rugby ground.Ticket sales have already surpassed 30,000, obliterating the previous Scottish women’s rugby attendance record of 7,774 set earlier this year at the Hive. The expected crowd also promises to be the largest audience ever for a standalone women’s sporting event in Scotland.Team captain Rachel Malcolm, who earned her first cap in 2016, described the occasion as a "landmark moment" and emphasized the importance of growing the sport’s profile: "Playing at our national stadium with crowds this size is something I never imagined in my career."Former Scotland star Donna Kennedy – the nation’s most‑capped player with 115 caps – credited the surge in interest to the team’s performance at the 2025 Women’s Rugby World Cup, where Scotland reached the quarter‑finals for the first time since 2002. She noted that the tournament provided a commercial and media springboard that has only accelerated in the past five years.England arrive as the dominant force in the competition, having won the Six Nations seven years in a row and maintaining a 28‑game winning streak against Scotland. The last Scottish victory over the Red Roses came in 1999, 27 years ago.Despite England’s pedigree, they head into the match with a significant injury list. Alex Matthews (vice‑captain) is out with a shoulder problem, while prop Hannah Botterman and hooker May Campbell have been ruled out for the remainder of the tournament. In total, England are missing 13 players due to retirement, pregnancy or injury, opening opportunities for newcomers such as Demelza Short, who will earn her first senior cap.Scotland also face a setback, missing scrum‑half Emma Orr through injury, but they remain optimistic that England’s depleted roster could level the playing field.England defence coach Sarah Hunter acknowledged the challenges, suggesting the situation could be a "blessing in disguise" for player development ahead of the 2029 World Cup in Australia. She highlighted the chance for younger talent to gain experience in a high‑pressure environment.With a record crowd, historic venue, and the prospect of ending a decades‑long losing streak, Saturday’s clash promises to be a defining moment for women’s rugby in Scotland and a compelling chapter in the Six Nations narrative.

At a damp morning meeting in Sandy Park, Exeter Chiefs chairman Tony Rowe outlined the club’s next chapter: a potential sale to an American investment group that will be decided by the club’s 700‑plus members at an extraordinary general meeting on 7 May.Rowe, now 77, has steered the Chiefs for more than three decades, guiding the team from a modest county‑ground side to Premiership champions in 2010. Yet he admits that “romance doesn’t pay the bills” in today’s professional rugby, and a well‑funded owner could finally provide the financial muscle the club needs.The proposed buyer is described as a “mega‑wealthy multi‑sport investor” already active in British football. If the vote passes, the investor would inject fresh capital, allowing Exeter to compete for top talent such as marquee player Immanuel Feyi‑Waboso and to pursue broader ambitions.Rowe argues that English club rugby must look beyond nostalgia. “We’ve got to wake up and smell the coffee,” he said, emphasizing the need for an owner with deep pockets. He warned that the club’s current shareholder structure, which “has no money,” limits growth.The takeover is part of a wider trend of foreign money entering English rugby, following recent investments in Newcastle Red Bulls and Bath. Rowe believes a cash‑rich owner will position Exeter to help expand the Premiership from its current ten clubs to twelve, and eventually fourteen, with a view to incorporating Welsh sides.He suggested that adding “two Welsh clubs” could revitalise Welsh rugby, which he described as “on its arse,” and noted that travel logistics would not be a barrier for English clubs making weekend trips to Wales.Financial pressures remain acute. Rowe cited a £25 million loss from Covid and the post‑pandemic mini‑recession, compounded by a government grant that was later converted into a loan and a Rugby Football Union (RFU) contribution that covered only half of the promised support.He also criticised a £200 million 2018 deal that gave private‑equity firm CVC Capital Partners a 27 % share of the club’s commercial rights. “We should never have sold those shares,” Rowe lamented, adding that CVC has done little to boost sponsorship or “razzmatazz” for the sport.Looking ahead, Rowe stresses the importance of attracting a younger, millennial fan base, noting that “our future supporters are millennials” and that they will be the financial lifeline of the club.Despite the uncertainties, Rowe remains optimistic. He confirmed he will stay on under the new ownership, describing the investors as “long‑term” and “understanding of the sport.” He warned the new owners must respect Exeter’s Devonian heritage, likening the club’s future to a bus that needs a fresh fuel supply to reach “even greater success.”

The recent ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon has brought a temporary halt to the fighting, but the situation on the ground remains volatile. Despite US President Donald Trump's claim that it is the 10th war he has ended, the stability of the region is far from assured.Israeli troops have remained in their positions deep in Lebanon, and Hezbollah fighters have stated that their fingers 'remained on the triggers,' indicating a readiness to resume hostilities if necessary. The ceasefire was imposed from above, with each side firing off as many bombs, drones, and rockets as they could before it came into effect.The agreement aims to facilitate direct negotiations between the Lebanese and Israeli governments, a significant achievement in itself as they have not spoken directly in decades. However, the path to a lasting peace is fraught with challenges, including the status of Hezbollah's arms and Israel's continued occupation of southern Lebanon.The negotiators face a daunting task in achieving 'lasting peace' between the two countries, with the goal of ensuring the Lebanese government has the exclusive monopoly of force in its territory and a formal demarcation of a contested border. Sustained international focus will be crucial in maintaining the peace talks, or else the war could easily resume.In Israel, there is pressure to continue the war in Lebanon, with many residents of northern Israel wanting the conflict to finally end the threat from Hezbollah. Israeli officials have boasted of military victory over Hezbollah but have also implied that the war could resume if their demands are not met by Lebanon.

Asif Kapadia has been appointed to direct the final chapter of the ITV documentary series “70 Up,” slated for broadcast later this year. The series, which launched in 1964, was voted the most influential UK television programme of the last 50 years in a 2024 Broadcasting Press Guild poll. Kapadia, celebrated for his award‑winning documentaries on Amy Winehouse, Ayrton Senna and Diego Maradona, described the role as an "incredible honour and privilege" and called the original “Up” series the ultimate portrait of human life. ITV’s factual controller Jo Clinton‑Davis praised the appointment, noting that Kapadia will bring “passion, creativity and incredible flair” while safeguarding the series’ legacy, which she said has become “part of our cultural fabric.” The series was conceived by Granada’s Tim Hewat, who adapted the Jesuit maxim “Give me the child until he is seven and I will show you the man” into a longitudinal study of British social class. Michael Apted, who served as the series’ long‑time director, passed away in 2021; his earlier prediction that the project would continue “as long as I’m above ground” has now been fulfilled. Over the decades, viewers have followed fourteen participants from childhood to senior age. Notable stories include Liverpool’s Neil Hughes, who dreamed of becoming an astronaut at 14, later endured homelessness, and ultimately emerged as a lay preacher and Liberal Democrat councillor. Only one participant, Charles Furneaux, chose to exit the experiment early, while others, such as scientist Nick Hitchon, have passed away. With Kapadia at the helm, “70 Up” will serve as a tribute to both Apted’s pioneering vision and the courage of the cast, who have shared their lives across seven‑year intervals for more than six decades.

Britain is bracing for its most severe economic contraction in decades, a side‑effect of the United States’ escalating conflict with Iran and the resulting shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz. The British Treasury and the IMF warn that the nation’s growth could be crushed, public confidence in the government is eroding, and the prime minister’s position may become untenable. The original aim of sanctions was to punish hostile states and force leaders like Vladimir Putin to change course. Yet, data shows that in the years following the sanctions, Russia’s growth outpaced that of the United Kingdom. Similarly, the 2010s sanctions on Iran, intended to halt its nuclear programme, appear to have accelerated it, and current measures aimed at toppling the ayatollahs show little prospect of success. The United States now enforces economic restrictions on around 30 countries, including North Korea, Myanmar, Belarus and Afghanistan. Despite the breadth of these measures, the targeted regimes have largely remained in power, indicating a systemic failure of sanctions to destabilise entrenched governments. Beyond their limited impact on regime change, sanctions have unintentionally bolstered the Sino‑Russian trade bloc and driven many nations toward the BRICS alliance, positioning it as a counterweight to the G7. This realignment underscores the counter‑productive nature of the policy. Academic research, such as Nicholas Mulder’s The Economic Weapon, reinforces the historical pattern: except for very small states, trade restrictions are easily circumvented, and authoritarian regimes insulated from democratic pressures are largely immune. Mulder concludes that “the history of sanctions is a history of disappointment,” a sentiment echoed by critics who warn that each new round of sanctions repeats the same mistakes. One of the most damaging side‑effects is the exodus of skilled professionals. Iran, for example, has seen a diaspora of over four million people as of 2021, many of whom belong to the educated middle class that could have fueled internal reform. The brain drain weakens any potential opposition and inadvertently benefits Western economies that absorb this talent. Russia experienced a similar talent flight after the 1990s, when a vibrant civil society briefly flourished. Today, the remaining dissenters face both Kremlin repression and Western ostracism, creating an atmosphere reminiscent of McCarthy‑era loyalty tests. Given these outcomes, the article argues that the West must abandon blunt economic coercion in favour of nuanced, soft‑power strategies. Supporting opposition groups through academic, cultural, and diplomatic channels could nurture the very alternatives that sanctions have helped to erode. In sum, sanctions have proven illiberal and counter‑productive, reinforcing authoritarian borders while draining the human capital needed for genuine change. Restoring constructive relationships with societies like Iran and Russia, rather than relying on punitive trade measures, may offer a more viable path to long‑term stability.

The conflict in Lebanon has seen a significant escalation in recent days, with Israel conducting devastating airstrikes aimed at wiping out the Iranian-backed Hezbollah militia. The violence has resulted in numerous casualties and widespread destruction. President Trump announced the 10-day ceasefire on Thursday, stating that it would take effect at midnight. He expressed hope that Hezbollah would act 'nicely and well' during this period, tweeting: 'I hope Hezbollah acts nicely and well during this important period of time. It will be a GREAT moment for them if they do. No more killing. Must finally have PEACE!' The ceasefire is seen as a crucial step towards de-escalating tensions in the region and potentially paving the way for a parallel peace agreement between the US and Iran. A meeting between Israeli and Lebanese leaders is scheduled to take place in Washington next Tuesday, marking the first Israeli-Lebanese summit in decades. The Israeli occupation is likely to be a key topic of discussion during the talks, with Trump indicating that he would visit Lebanon 'at the right time.' The US president has been involved in intense diplomatic efforts to broker a peace deal, with his administration urging other countries to join a 'trade over aid' push.

Modern combat has been reshaped by the Russia‑Ukraine war, the Gaza clashes, India‑Pakistan skirmishes and the recent US‑Israel strikes on Iran, driving an unprecedented global appetite for drones, missiles and sophisticated air‑defence systems. Turkey, a leading military power in the Middle East, is positioning itself as a key supplier in this booming market. At the heart of Turkey’s push is Roketsan, a firm founded in 1988 to equip the Turkish Armed Forces. Today the company exports to roughly 50 nations and is counted among the fastest‑growing defence enterprises worldwide. Bypassing Western embargoes has been a catalyst for this growth. After the United States imposed CAATSA sanctions in 2020 and removed Turkey from the F‑35 programme, Ankara was forced to develop an indigenous defence ecosystem. The result is a network of nearly 4,000 small and medium‑sized enterprises that now supplies over 90 % of the components used in Turkish weapons. Financially, the strategy is paying off. In 2025 Turkish defence exports reached $10 billion. Roketsan’s General Manager Murat Ikinci told Al Jazeera the firm sits at 71st place among global defence firms and is targeting a climb into the top 50, then top 20, and ultimately the top 10 by the end of the decade. To fuel this ambition, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan inaugurated a suite of new facilities last week, including: Europe’s largest warhead production plant. A new R&D centre employing 1,000 engineers. The “Kirikkale” complex dedicated to rocket‑fuel research. Infrastructure for mass‑producing ballistic and cruise missiles. The construction represents a $1 billion outlay, with an additional $2 billion earmarked for scaling up production capacity. Roketsan’s R&D engine—the third‑largest in Turkey with 3,200 engineers—draws heavily on lessons from ongoing wars. The Ukraine conflict highlighted the effectiveness of cheap FPV and AI‑guided kamikaze drones, prompting Roketsan to field systems such as the ALKA and BURC air‑defences and the laser‑guided CIRIT missile. Recent US‑Israel operations against Iran have underscored the threat posed by low‑cost Iranian‑designed Shahed drones, now upgraded with Russian “Kometa‑B” anti‑jamming modules. These swarms have overwhelmed regional defences and even struck a British base in Cyprus in March 2026, while NATO intercepted three Iranian ballistic missiles that entered Turkish airspace. In response, Roketsan is advancing the “Tayfun” (Typhoon) missile family. The flagship Tayfun Block 4 is a hypersonic ballistic missile designed to pierce advanced air‑defence layers at extreme speeds. When pressed for specifics, Ikinci declined to disclose the exact range, noting only that it is “sufficient.” Strategically, Turkey is shifting away from Western dependence toward an “Eastern” partnership model. Roketsan now offers joint production and technology‑development agreements, establishing co‑located facilities and R&D centres across the Middle East, Far East and Europe. Qatar has been cited as a flagship example of this collaborative approach. Roketsan has identified five priority product lines to meet rising global demand: Long‑range ballistic and cruise missiles. Advanced air‑defence systems, including “Steel Dome”, Hisar‑A, Hisar‑O and Siper. Submarine‑launched cruise missiles leveraging the AKYA system. Smart micro‑munitions for armed drones. Long‑range air‑to‑air missiles, a capability highlighted by the recent India‑Pakistan clash. The timing is critical. Ongoing conflicts have depleted the stockpiles of high‑end air‑defence assets worldwide. During the US‑Israel‑Iran confrontation, the United States relied heavily on Patriot and THAAD systems, raising concerns that interceptor inventories could run low. Gulf states, which have logged over 1,000 drone sightings in their airspace, are actively seeking alternative solutions—an opening that Turkey’s self‑sufficient supply chain is poised to fill. Analysts warn that even major powers like the United States will need years to rebuild their air‑defence inventories due to the complexity of production. Turkey’s claim of near‑complete domestic manufacturing positions it as a ready supplier for nations eager to diversify away from traditional Western sources. As demand for missiles and drones surges, Roketsan is reinvesting its revenues into expanding production infrastructure, aiming to cement its place among the world’s elite defence exporters.