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Syria has taken full control of every former U.S. military site, completing a handover that Damascus says demonstrates the successful absorption of Kurdish‑led fighters into national structures.The final U.S. convoy departed Qasrak air base in Hasakah on Thursday, ending a presence that began in 2014 when American troops entered the fight against ISIL alongside Kurdish units that later formed the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF).In Damascus, President Ahmed al‑Sharaa received the two most senior SDF officials – military commander Mazloum Abdi and political head Ilham Ahmad – accompanied by Foreign Minister Asaad Hassan al‑Shaibani and the presidential envoy overseeing the integration process.The Ministry of Foreign Affairs hailed the completed handover as evidence of the government’s drive to bring the entire country, including border areas and the northeast, under a single state authority. It stressed that the transfer was carried out in full coordination with the United States, pointing to a constructive relationship that dates back to al‑Sharaa’s 2025 meeting with then‑U.S. President Donald Trump.U.S. Central Command confirmed that American forces have “completed turning over all of our major bases in Syria as part of a deliberate and conditions‑based transition.”The handover follows a January cease‑fire agreement between Damascus and the SDF and a March integration pact that places Kurdish fighters into the Syrian national army, deploys Syrian security forces to the city centres of Hasakah and Qamishli, and transfers control of border crossings and civilian institutions to Damascus.Syria’s entry into the international coalition against ISIL in November reshaped its role from obstacle to partner, fundamentally altering the rationale for a continued U.S. military footprint.Analyst Charles Lister noted that the last U.S. convoy was routed overland through Jordan rather than Iraq to reduce exposure to potential attacks by Iranian‑backed militias operating in the region.

Amid the escalating war in Iran, China is adopting a cautious yet opportunistic stance, seeking to safeguard its strategic interests while avoiding direct confrontation with the United States and its partners. Beijing’s primary objective is to preserve the economic corridors and energy supplies that flow through Iran under the Belt and Road Initiative. By maintaining trade routes and securing oil imports, China aims to mitigate the impact of sanctions and market volatility on its own growth. Diplomatically, China is positioning itself as a potential mediator, offering to host dialogue between the warring factions. This approach serves a dual purpose: it projects China as a responsible global power and provides a platform to deepen its influence in the Middle East without overtly siding with either side. At the same time, Chinese officials are wary of military entanglement. While there are reports of limited arms sales to Iran, Beijing publicly emphasizes that any assistance is strictly defensive and complies with international regulations, reflecting its desire to keep the relationship within acceptable diplomatic bounds. The United States has warned that deeper Chinese involvement could trigger a new round of strategic competition in the region. In response, China stresses the importance of respecting national sovereignty and non‑interference, a stance that resonates with many regional actors seeking alternatives to Western pressure. Overall, China’s maneuvering in the Iran war illustrates a broader pattern of balancing economic imperatives with geopolitical risk management. The outcome of this balancing act will likely shape not only the trajectory of the conflict but also the future contours of Sino‑Middle Eastern relations.

The recent ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon has brought a temporary halt to the fighting, but the situation on the ground remains volatile. Despite US President Donald Trump's claim that it is the 10th war he has ended, the stability of the region is far from assured.Israeli troops have remained in their positions deep in Lebanon, and Hezbollah fighters have stated that their fingers 'remained on the triggers,' indicating a readiness to resume hostilities if necessary. The ceasefire was imposed from above, with each side firing off as many bombs, drones, and rockets as they could before it came into effect.The agreement aims to facilitate direct negotiations between the Lebanese and Israeli governments, a significant achievement in itself as they have not spoken directly in decades. However, the path to a lasting peace is fraught with challenges, including the status of Hezbollah's arms and Israel's continued occupation of southern Lebanon.The negotiators face a daunting task in achieving 'lasting peace' between the two countries, with the goal of ensuring the Lebanese government has the exclusive monopoly of force in its territory and a formal demarcation of a contested border. Sustained international focus will be crucial in maintaining the peace talks, or else the war could easily resume.In Israel, there is pressure to continue the war in Lebanon, with many residents of northern Israel wanting the conflict to finally end the threat from Hezbollah. Israeli officials have boasted of military victory over Hezbollah but have also implied that the war could resume if their demands are not met by Lebanon.

Video released by regional media captures scenes of spontaneous jubilation across Lebanon as a ceasefire with Israel comes into force. Residents gathered in public squares, streets and coastal promenades, waving flags and expressing palpable relief after a period of heightened military alert.While detailed reports on the negotiations remain limited, the immediate public reaction underscores the deep desire for stability in a region long marked by intermittent hostilities. The footage, filmed in several Lebanese cities, shows crowds chanting, children playing, and local businesses reopening, signaling an early return to normalcy.Analysts note that the ceasefire, though fragile, offers a critical window for diplomatic engagement and humanitarian aid delivery to affected areas. The visible optimism among Lebanese citizens highlights the broader regional hope that de‑escalation can translate into lasting peace.

The Chisenhale Gallery in London greets visitors with an unsettling aroma that oscillates between sweet butter and a harsh, chemical perfume, immediately signalling that the exhibition is designed to disturb both mind and nostrils.At the heart of the show stands a massive mobile health unit – a former US‑British field ambulance acquired at a military auction. Its presence transforms the pastel‑painted gallery into a simulated triage zone, complete with faded chemical warnings, triage forms and evacuation maps. Among the discarded paperwork, a single sheet reveals that the vehicle participated in decontamination after the 2018 Novichok attack on double‑agent Sergei Skripal, adding a chilling historical layer to the installation.The surrounding walls are coated in Baker‑Miller pink, the hue once tested in US jails to calm aggressive inmates. This “drunk‑tank pink” juxtaposes the sterile pink of the health unit, blurring the line between soothing and coercive environments.Beyond visual cues, the exhibition assaults the senses with a bespoke scent concoction. Crowther blends substances derived from powdered milk – a symbol of industrialised sustenance – with hexadecanal, a naturally occurring skin compound known to dampen aggression in men while provoking it in women, and famously emitted by newborns. The result is a “sweetly putrid” odor that feels both familiar and alien, prompting visitors to question whether they are inhaling rubber, milk, or something more sinister.Through this multisensory tableau, Crowther frames colour and smell as potential psy‑ops, probing how basic human experiences can be industrialised and militarised. She asks: What does health mean when it is administered by the state or corporate entities? Who truly benefits when care becomes a tool of surveillance and control?Visitors navigate a space that oscillates between comfort and exploitation, leaving them to wonder whether they are being nurtured or manipulated. The exhibition runs at Chisenhale Gallery until 14 June 2026, inviting the public to confront the uneasy overlap of medical aid, military apparatus and sensory manipulation.

Pakistan's Field Marshal Asim Munir has taken on an unexpected role as a peacemaker in the conflict between the US and Iran. His efforts have been widely praised, with US President Donald Trump describing them as 'fantastic'. Munir's involvement in the peace talks began after the US vice-president, JD Vance, left Islamabad following failed negotiations between the US and Iran. Despite this, Munir continued to engage with both sides, using his influence to push for a deal. Munir's phone calls played a crucial role in the frantic international efforts last week, resulting in a last-minute ceasefire agreement after Trump's threat that Iran's civilisation would 'die' if they did not agree to a deal. Trump is said to have directly leaned on Munir to use his influence and knowledge of the Iranians to help reach the off-ramp. Munir's ability to communicate with both the US and Iran has been key to his success. He has built strong relationships with leaders in Washington, Riyadh, and Tehran, and has been able to facilitate talks between the two nations. Munir's efforts have not only helped to reduce tensions between the US and Iran but have also elevated Pakistan's position as a credible diplomatic interlocutor. His role in the peace talks has been seen as a significant achievement for Pakistan, which has long sought to play a more prominent role in regional diplomacy. Analysts have noted that Munir's success is not solely due to his individual efforts, but also the result of a collective effort by the Pakistani government and military. However, his role in the peace talks has been widely acknowledged, and he is seen as a key player in maintaining peace in the Gulf and the Middle East. Munir's diplomatic activism has been driven by his strong relationships with leaders and countries, as well as his understanding of the importance of personality-driven diplomacy. His efforts have helped to build a global story for Pakistan, and have cemented his position as a major player in regional diplomacy.

Modern combat has been reshaped by the Russia‑Ukraine war, the Gaza clashes, India‑Pakistan skirmishes and the recent US‑Israel strikes on Iran, driving an unprecedented global appetite for drones, missiles and sophisticated air‑defence systems. Turkey, a leading military power in the Middle East, is positioning itself as a key supplier in this booming market. At the heart of Turkey’s push is Roketsan, a firm founded in 1988 to equip the Turkish Armed Forces. Today the company exports to roughly 50 nations and is counted among the fastest‑growing defence enterprises worldwide. Bypassing Western embargoes has been a catalyst for this growth. After the United States imposed CAATSA sanctions in 2020 and removed Turkey from the F‑35 programme, Ankara was forced to develop an indigenous defence ecosystem. The result is a network of nearly 4,000 small and medium‑sized enterprises that now supplies over 90 % of the components used in Turkish weapons. Financially, the strategy is paying off. In 2025 Turkish defence exports reached $10 billion. Roketsan’s General Manager Murat Ikinci told Al Jazeera the firm sits at 71st place among global defence firms and is targeting a climb into the top 50, then top 20, and ultimately the top 10 by the end of the decade. To fuel this ambition, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan inaugurated a suite of new facilities last week, including: Europe’s largest warhead production plant. A new R&D centre employing 1,000 engineers. The “Kirikkale” complex dedicated to rocket‑fuel research. Infrastructure for mass‑producing ballistic and cruise missiles. The construction represents a $1 billion outlay, with an additional $2 billion earmarked for scaling up production capacity. Roketsan’s R&D engine—the third‑largest in Turkey with 3,200 engineers—draws heavily on lessons from ongoing wars. The Ukraine conflict highlighted the effectiveness of cheap FPV and AI‑guided kamikaze drones, prompting Roketsan to field systems such as the ALKA and BURC air‑defences and the laser‑guided CIRIT missile. Recent US‑Israel operations against Iran have underscored the threat posed by low‑cost Iranian‑designed Shahed drones, now upgraded with Russian “Kometa‑B” anti‑jamming modules. These swarms have overwhelmed regional defences and even struck a British base in Cyprus in March 2026, while NATO intercepted three Iranian ballistic missiles that entered Turkish airspace. In response, Roketsan is advancing the “Tayfun” (Typhoon) missile family. The flagship Tayfun Block 4 is a hypersonic ballistic missile designed to pierce advanced air‑defence layers at extreme speeds. When pressed for specifics, Ikinci declined to disclose the exact range, noting only that it is “sufficient.” Strategically, Turkey is shifting away from Western dependence toward an “Eastern” partnership model. Roketsan now offers joint production and technology‑development agreements, establishing co‑located facilities and R&D centres across the Middle East, Far East and Europe. Qatar has been cited as a flagship example of this collaborative approach. Roketsan has identified five priority product lines to meet rising global demand: Long‑range ballistic and cruise missiles. Advanced air‑defence systems, including “Steel Dome”, Hisar‑A, Hisar‑O and Siper. Submarine‑launched cruise missiles leveraging the AKYA system. Smart micro‑munitions for armed drones. Long‑range air‑to‑air missiles, a capability highlighted by the recent India‑Pakistan clash. The timing is critical. Ongoing conflicts have depleted the stockpiles of high‑end air‑defence assets worldwide. During the US‑Israel‑Iran confrontation, the United States relied heavily on Patriot and THAAD systems, raising concerns that interceptor inventories could run low. Gulf states, which have logged over 1,000 drone sightings in their airspace, are actively seeking alternative solutions—an opening that Turkey’s self‑sufficient supply chain is poised to fill. Analysts warn that even major powers like the United States will need years to rebuild their air‑defence inventories due to the complexity of production. Turkey’s claim of near‑complete domestic manufacturing positions it as a ready supplier for nations eager to diversify away from traditional Western sources. As demand for missiles and drones surges, Roketsan is reinvesting its revenues into expanding production infrastructure, aiming to cement its place among the world’s elite defence exporters.

The US House of Representatives has rejected a resolution aimed at limiting President Donald Trump's power to wage war with Iran. The vote, which took place on Thursday, resulted in 213 votes in favor and 214 against the resolution, highlighting the deep divisions within Congress on the issue.The narrow margin underscores the intense debate over Trump's military actions in Iran and the role of Congress in authorizing war. The resolution's defeat comes a day after a similar measure failed in the US Senate, with Republicans largely opposing efforts to constrain Trump's military authority.Democrats have accused Republicans of giving unchecked power to Trump, who has been engaged in a military conflict with Iran since February 28. The war has resulted in significant human and economic costs, including the loss of servicemembers' lives and soaring gas prices.Under the US Constitution, only Congress has the authority to declare war, although presidents may conduct military actions in instances of immediate self-defense. The Trump administration has maintained that Iran's actions since the 1979 Iranian Revolution constitute such a threat, while critics argue that the US and Israeli attack on Iran was unprovoked and violated international law.The failed resolution reflects the ongoing struggle between Congress and the executive branch over the power to wage war. Democrats have argued that Congress must assert its authority to prevent an unchecked expansion of presidential power, while Republicans have largely supported Trump's military actions in Iran.Ceasefire negotiations between the US and Iran are ongoing, with both sides signaling a willingness to engage in further talks. However, significant issues remain unresolved, including control of the Strait of Hormuz and the future of Iran's nuclear program.

Cuban President Miguel Diaz-Canel has declared that his country is prepared to fight if necessary, despite not seeking conflict with the United States. This statement comes as Cuba marks the 65th anniversary of its socialist revolutionary character, amid heightened tensions with the US.Diaz-Canel's defiant remarks were made before a crowd commemorating Fidel Castro's declaration of the socialist nature of the Cuban Revolution and the failed Bay of Pigs invasion by US-aligned forces. He emphasized Cuba's readiness to confront serious threats, including military aggression, stating, 'We do not want it, but it is our duty to prepare to avoid it and, if it becomes inevitable, to defeat it.'The US, under President Donald Trump, has been increasing pressure on Cuba, threatening the island nation's government and tightening energy restrictions. Trump has suggested that the US could overthrow the Cuban government, following the US-Israel conflict with Iran. These actions have contributed to fuel shortages and energy blackouts in Cuba, straining workers and businesses.Cuba's economy has long suffered from a US economic embargo, economic mismanagement, and political repression, prompting many Cubans to leave the country. A United Nations vote in 2025 saw 165 countries demand an end to the US embargo, with only seven countries, including the US, Israel, Argentina, and Hungary, voting against.Diaz-Canel has strongly defended Cuba, stating, 'Cuba is not a failed state. Cuba is a besieged state,' facing multidimensional aggression through economic warfare and an intensified blockade.