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President Donald Trump is reportedly weighing a request for Arab countries to fund the U.S.–Israel war on Iran, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt told reporters on Monday. Leavitt said the president is "quite interested" in calling on regional partners to share the expense.The idea mirrors the financing arrangement of the 1990‑91 Gulf War, when a coalition of Arab and Western nations covered roughly 88% of the $61 billion cost, leaving the United States to foot only about 12%.Trump also hinted that, even if the Strait of Hormuz remains closed, other export‑dependent partners should manage the crisis. The strait carries about 20% of the world’s oil and LNG shipments; its shutdown has pushed Brent crude to **$116 per barrel**, up from pre‑war levels near **$65**.Iran, meanwhile, has demanded that the United States pay reparations to Iranian victims as a precondition for any cease‑fire.So far, there is no clear commitment from Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members—countries that have themselves been hit by Iranian strikes—to finance the conflict. Analysts estimate the total bill could run into tens of billions of dollars, though exact figures remain uncertain.Experts note a shift in regional attitudes: GCC states opposed the war before it began and continue to call for diplomacy, according to Zeidon Alkinani of the Arab Perspectives Institute. He added that Israel appears to be the primary driver pushing the United States into the confrontation.History shows the United States has repeatedly sought external funding for wars it leads. During the Gulf War, Saudi Arabia contributed $16.8 billion (27% of total costs) and Kuwait $16 billion (26%). Japan, Germany, the UAE and South Korea also supplied sizable sums.Post‑World War II, the U.S. administered the Marshall Plan, providing over $13 billion to rebuild Europe, while Germany and Japan paid reparations and later funded the upkeep of U.S. bases—about $1 billion annually each.In the ongoing Ukraine war, the United States once delivered the largest aid package—€114.64 billion (≈$134 billion) by mid‑2025. Since Trump returned to office in 2025, he has withdrawn **99% of U.S. support**, shifting the financial load to European allies and turning the U.S. into a major arms supplier, with weapons sales reaching a record **$318.7 billion in 2024**. Recent deals, such as a $10 billion weapons package for Ukraine financed by European partners, illustrate this new model.These precedents underscore a pattern: when U.S. leadership faces costly overseas engagements, it often looks to allies—especially those with strategic interests—to share or assume the fiscal burden.

The recent ruling that Meta and YouTube are liable for creating addictive products has intensified the debate on restricting social media use for under-16s. However, there's another crucial aspect to consider: 85% of kids and teens interact online through video games. The suggestion to curb online gaming alongside social media restrictions raises significant concerns about feasibility and impact.Some online games, like Roblox, have proven to be unsafe environments for children, with cases of grooming and child exploitation. Nevertheless, implementing a ban on online gaming would be a regulatory nightmare. Games like Minecraft or EA Sports FC have different online components, making a blanket restriction difficult to enforce.Banning teens from playing games online entirely would be detrimental. Online games are vital social spaces for millions of teens, offering a few arenas where they can interact without adult surveillance. With two-thirds of council-run youth centers lost since 2010, video games fill a critical gap.The core problem lies in the internet's heterogeneous nature. Games, social media, and YouTube are distinct, making it hard to cancel out potential harms without also eliminating benefits. Instead of banning young people, the focus should be on taking back the internet from manipulative big tech companies.Parents concerned about their children's safety can use existing parental controls to mitigate risks. Features like chat restrictions, time limits, and age-appropriate settings can ensure children enjoy games while staying safe. A ban would introduce no further benefit and could cause significant harm.

Jurors in two separate U.S. courts delivered historic rulings that, for the first time, hold major social‑media platforms financially accountable for designs that allegedly harm young users. In New Mexico, a jury ordered Meta to pay $375 million for claims that its products contributed to child sexual exploitation and other harms. The following day, a California jury found both Meta and YouTube liable, imposing $6 million in damages for deliberately engineering addictive experiences. The verdicts arrive amid a wave of lawsuits filed by more than 2,000 plaintiffs—including families, school districts, and state attorneys general—targeting Meta, YouTube, TikTok and Snap. While both companies have announced intentions to appeal, the judgments signal a shift from public criticism to concrete legal exposure. During the trials, Meta’s defense repeatedly cited the American Psychiatric Association’s position that “social media addiction is not a thing” in the DSM‑5‑TR. The APA countered that the absence of a formal diagnosis does not negate the phenomenon’s existence, emphasizing growing research on the mental‑health impacts of compulsive platform use. Internal communications presented as evidence painted a starkly different picture. A 2020 Meta email exchange described Instagram as “a drug” and likened the company’s role to that of “pushers,” while another message warned that targeting 11‑year‑olds resembled tactics once used by tobacco firms. Similar concerns emerged from YouTube, where an internal document explicitly stated the goal was “not viewership, it’s viewer addiction.” TikTok’s own research echoed these findings, concluding that users could become addicted in under 35 minutes and that compulsive usage correlates with a range of negative mental‑health outcomes. Moody’s, a risk‑assessment firm, warned that the dual verdicts establish a precedent whereby design‑driven user harm can trigger liability. In an analysis, analysts Adam Grossman and Taro Ramberg noted that insurers should focus on the emerging “design‑centered liability theory,” which links engagement‑driven features—such as infinite scrolling and autoplay—to compensable injuries. They cautioned that the current cases are merely the first data points in a broader legal trend. Beyond social media, the same design principles appear in video games, sports‑betting platforms, AI chatbots and online retail. Moody’s tracker lists over 1,100 pending cases in Los Angeles alone and estimates roughly 4,000 lawsuits targeting 166 U.S. companies for allegedly addictive software design. Both Meta and YouTube maintain that they disagree with the verdicts. YouTube’s spokesperson called the California decision a “misunderstanding” of the platform’s nature, while Meta emphasized the complexity of teen mental health and the non‑unanimous nature of the California jury’s finding. Nevertheless, the courts have signaled that even without a settled clinical definition of “social‑media addiction,” companies can be held responsible for the foreseeable harms of their product designs.

President Donald Trump took to his Truth Social account on Tuesday to lambaste several European governments for declining to support the United States’ military campaign against Iran. He told nations struggling with fuel shortages to “go get your own oil” by force, a statement that immediately pushed global oil markets higher. European leaders pushed back. France barred Israeli aircraft carrying weapons from traversing French airspace, while Italy reportedly denied a last‑minute request for U.S. bombers to land in Sicily. Spain’s defence minister announced that Madrid would no longer tolerate “lectures” from any foreign power after refusing U.S. use of its bases and airspace. The United Kingdom, despite allowing U.S. forces to operate from its bases, faced a public rebuke from Trump, who singled out the UK for its inability to secure jet fuel through the Strait of Hormuz. U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth echoed the president’s hard‑line stance, suggesting that allied navies should be ready to intervene in the strategic waterway. Analysts warn that any attempt to seize the Strait of Hormuz by force would be highly risky and likely unrealistic. Nonetheless, the rhetoric has already contributed to a surge in fuel costs: U.S. gasoline prices have crossed the $4‑per‑gallon threshold for the first time in four years, and Brent crude slipped below $104 a barrel after Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian hinted at a possible de‑escalation. The conflict, now in its fourth week, has claimed more than 3,000 lives and triggered a worldwide economic shock. Irish Taoiseach Micheál Martin described the oil‑supply disruption as “probably the worst ever,” reflecting growing anxiety over inflation, stagnant growth, and a cost‑of‑living crisis that many nations are already grappling with. In a parallel diplomatic development, Pakistan and China unveiled a joint five‑part proposal aimed at ending hostilities and reopening the Strait of Hormuz, though it remains unclear how this aligns with recent U.S. diplomatic overtures through Islamabad. Meanwhile, the war’s regional dimensions have intensified. Israel announced plans to permanently occupy a swath of southern Lebanon up to the Litani River, a move that would cement its military presence well beyond the current confrontation with Hezbollah. Even the Vatican entered the fray. Pope Francis expressed hope that the fighting would cease by the upcoming Easter weekend, urging world leaders to find “ways to reduce the amount of violence.” His comments were widely interpreted as a subtle rebuke of the Trump administration’s aggressive posture. Overall, Trump’s incendiary remarks have highlighted a widening fissure between Washington and its traditional European partners, while the escalating oil price volatility underscores the broader economic ramifications of the Iran conflict.

Households in Great Britain are bracing for a substantial hike in energy bills, with a typical gas and electricity bill forecast to reach £1,929 a year from July. This represents an increase of about £290 a year under the industry regulator Ofgem's quarterly price cap. The forecast hike is £288 a year higher than the £1,641 cap on energy bills set for April to June. Although the April price cap will be £117 a year, or 7%, lower than the January to March rate of £1,758, the short-lived reprieve from rising gas and electricity costs is expected to be more than offset by a string of rises facing households in the spring. The annual cost of essentials, including council tax and water, will increase by more than £200 from April even before the economic impact of the Iran war is felt by UK consumers. Most households in England and Wales will see an increase of about 5% in their council tax, while in Scotland bills will go up by between 4% and 10%. In Northern Ireland, rates are due to increase between 1.96% and 4.5%. Water bills in England and Wales are also due to rise, by an average of £33 a household from April, up 5.4% to £639. The cost of phones and broadband are expected to rise by an average of £39.60 for an annual bill and £27.60 for a typical mobile contract, according to Uswitch. Senior government ministers are expected to discuss the economic turmoil caused by the war at a Cobra meeting on Tuesday, after meeting with business leaders to discuss how the government and private sector can work together to respond to the crisis caused by surging oil market prices. The international oil benchmark rose 4% to more than $118 a barrel on Tuesday as Donald Trump said countries such as the UK should build up the “courage” to go to the strait of Hormuz and “just take” fuel. Experts fear that Brent crude could reach all-time highs of $150 a barrel if the conflict continues. “Bills going up again because of war thousands of miles away will be a tough pill to swallow for households still saddled with debt from last time,” said Jess Ralston, the head of energy at the Energy and Climate Intelligence Unit. “Unless we continue [to] shift away from gas, whether it comes from the North Sea or not, the risk remains that bills will continue to spike,” Ralston added.

In a recent editorial, the Guardian highlighted the danger of Israel applying the same brutal tactics used in Gaza to Lebanon, and Medical Aid for Palestinians echoes that warning.Field reports from Lebanon describe a climate of terror fueled by mass forced‑displacement orders and relentless military strikes, including assaults on healthcare workers. Aid groups are scrambling to assist Palestinian refugees who have fled their homes, while many others remain trapped, deepening panic in already overcrowded camps plagued by poverty and scarce services.The Israeli military appears to be mirroring Gaza’s playbook: terrorising civilians, imposing forced displacement, and targeting humanitarian and medical infrastructure. Despite a declared cease‑fire in Gaza, Israeli attacks have killed more than 690 Palestinians since October, and restrictions on aid are creating lethal shortages of medicines and equipment.Meanwhile, the West Bank endures escalating settler violence and an Israeli annexation agenda that now threatens to extend into Lebanon, further destabilising the region.Medical Aid for Palestinians stresses that impunity for attacks on civilians and health services endangers both the populations they serve and the organisation’s staff across Gaza, the occupied West Bank and Lebanon.According to the statement, the UK government must not cherry‑pick when to uphold international law. It calls for decisive action to hold all perpetrators accountable, warning that inaction will lead to catastrophic human costs. The world, it asserts, cannot allow the horrors witnessed in Gaza to be replayed in Lebanon, and governments should not become complicit allies of such atrocities.

The Israeli Knesset approved a bill on Monday that makes the death penalty the standard sentence for Palestinians found guilty of terrorism‑related murders in the occupied West Bank, while excluding Jewish extremists from the same punishment. Volker Türk, the UN high commissioner for human rights, warned that the law is "patently inconsistent" with Israel’s obligations under international law and could constitute a war crime when applied to residents of the occupied territories. Türk stressed that the proposal raises “serious concerns about due‑process violations” and is “deeply discriminatory,” urging the Israeli government to repeal it without delay. He added that its selective application would amount to “an especially egregious breach of international law.” European officials have joined the criticism. An EU spokesperson described the bill as “a clear step backwards” and highlighted its discriminatory nature. Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez called the measure “asymmetric” and likened it to a move toward apartheid, while Germany’s foreign ministry said it could not endorse a law that “rejects the fundamental principle of opposing the death penalty.” The legislation stipulates that anyone sentenced to death will be held in a separate facility, barred from family visits, and allowed legal counsel only via video link. Executions are to be carried out within 90 days of sentencing, with hanging identified as the method of execution. The bill also removes the requirement for a prosecutor’s request and permits a simple majority vote in military courts to impose the death sentence. Israel has applied capital punishment only twice since its establishment, most recently in 1962 when Adolf Eichmann was executed. The bill’s strongest political backer, National Security Minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir, has publicly displayed a noose‑shaped lapel pin, symbolising the proposed executions. Human‑rights organisations have warned that the law entrenches a two‑tiered justice system. Adam Coogle of Human Rights Watch said the measure “entrenches discrimination and a two‑tiered system of justice, both hallmarks of apartheid,” while Oxfam’s Shaista Aziz warned that it “effectively ensures that the death penalty will apply only to Palestinians, even as the occupation sees a surge in violence against them.” Within Israel, the bill faces legal opposition. Several human‑rights groups and three Knesset members have filed petitions with the Supreme Court, arguing that the law creates parallel legal tracks that target Palestinians and should be struck down on constitutional grounds.

The UK's position in quantum computing has been hailed as a success story of long-term investment in fundamental science. However, the current approach to science funding, particularly by UK Research and Innovation, has raised concerns among experts. The abrupt discontinuation of the Quantum Technologies for Fundamental Physics initiative has resulted in the loss of dozens of early-career researchers trained in a strategically important area. Moreover, there has been no clear vision for what replaces it, nor any meaningful consultation on how such crucial cross-disciplinary programmes should be organised. A similar disconnect is emerging in artificial intelligence, where many techniques driving impact were developed and deployed in fundamental research communities, such as particle physics. Undermining this base risks cutting off the pipeline of ideas and skills that the wider economy depends on. Experts stress that if the UK is serious about long-term leadership, prioritisation must be done with care, transparency, and a credible plan for sustaining the full ecosystem, from fundamental science through to application. Prof Ruben Saakyan, chair of the STFC particle physics advisory panel, emphasises the need for a well-thought-out strategy. Dr Simon Williams also highlights the importance of sustained investment in people and fundamental science, stating that ambition in quantum computing cannot succeed without it. Prof Sheila Rowan, director of the Institute for Gravitational Research, points out that the PPAN area is a training ground for expertise in various engineering and technical skills, which are in short supply and crucial for driving a bright future in quantum computing and quantum technology.

Thames Water, the UK's largest water company, is facing mounting pressure to open its bidding process to potential buyers after a failed takeover attempt last year. The company's debt burden of £17.6bn has raised concerns about its financial stability.CK Infrastructure (CKI), owned by Hong Kong's richest man, Li Ka-shing, has expressed interest in acquiring Thames Water and has been trying to launch a bid since February last year. However, the company was eliminated from the process despite tabling a multibillion-pound proposal.Andrew Hunter, CKI's co-managing director, has criticized Thames Water's bosses for not allowing other firms to bid for the company, saying they should 'eat humble pie' over the failed takeover process. Hunter argued that CKI has experience running water companies, having owned Northumbrian Water since 2011, and serves 2.7 million customers in north-east England.Thames Water is currently negotiating with creditors over a £10bn rescue plan that would involve paying off hundreds of millions of pounds-worth of fines for leaks and pollution. The company has been struggling financially for over two years and faces a potential temporary nationalization if it falls into administration.Hunter has called on the water regulator, Ofwat, to intervene and open up the bidding process to other potential buyers. He emphasized that it's crucial for Thames Water to be owned and operated by an experienced company to ensure its stability and proper management.