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Prominent Kashmiri separatist Aasiya Andrabi has been handed down three life sentences by an Indian court, a move that has been widely condemned by activists and legal experts. Andrabi, the founder of the banned all-women's organisation Dukhtaran-e-Millat (DeM), was sentenced on March 24 by a special National Investigative Agency (NIA) court in New Delhi.Andrabi, 64, and her two associates, Sofi Fehmeeda and Nahida Nasreen, were arrested by the NIA in 2018 under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), a draconian anti-terror law. The UAPA was introduced in 2008 and amended in 2019 to allow authorities to declare individuals as 'terrorists'. Andrabi was accused of waging war against the Indian government, raising funds for terrorist acts, and being a member of a terrorist group.However, the court found no evidence related to these charges, yet convicted her on less serious allegations such as provoking hostility between communities and undermining national integration. The court noted that while Andrabi's actions did not directly cause violence, they could evoke sentiments that may lead to violence.Legal experts say Andrabi's conviction is mainly based on offensive speech-making, raising questions about India's tolerance of dissenting voices. 'Ideology is not punishable by law; only actions are,' a Kashmir-based legal researcher said. 'But the UAPA's scope has been widened significantly through several amendments.'Andrabi's son described the conviction as 'effectively a death sentence' given her age and time already spent in jail. Her husband, a former rebel leader, has also been imprisoned since 1992. Critics argue that the conviction fits a broader pattern in which all forms of political resistance are disciplined in Kashmir.

Janett and Erika Liriano, growing up in Queens as daughters of Dominican immigrants, were encouraged to dream big. By their late 20s, Janett had been named a Forbes 30 Under 30 Listmaker and was chief of staff at a biopharmaceutical firm, while Erika was making a name for herself in venture capital.However, feeling unfulfilled, they decided to leave their lucrative jobs and move to the Dominican Republic to start a chocolate company. Inspired by their parents' homeland and the country's rich cacao resources, they aimed to create a vertically integrated cacao company that would benefit local farmers.The Dominican Republic produces about 60% of the world's organic cacao, but most of its export is raw beans, with the majority of profit made in countries like Belgium, Germany, and the US. The sisters saw an opportunity to change this and create a more equitable supply chain.After months of research and planning, they launched Inaru Chocolate, a company that contracts directly with farmers and pays them a fixed rate, ensuring fair prices and better livelihoods. The company pays farmers 3% of every product sold, resulting in 30 to 50% higher earnings than what most other buyers offer.In 2023, they opened a 7,000-sq-ft chocolate factory outside Santo Domingo, employing 35 people and producing high-end chocolate. Their business model has attracted brands like the W Hotel and Zingerman's, with 80% of their business coming from B2B sales.The sisters' journey hasn't been easy, facing challenges like securing funding and navigating language barriers. Despite these obstacles, they have raised $12m in investments and are committed to creating jobs and empowering local farmers in their parents' homeland.

Emil Michael, the Pentagon's under secretary for research and engineering, declared a position in xAI valued between $500,000 and $1 million in March 2025. He sold these holdings on January 9 for between $5 million and $25 million, according to government ethics records. The value of his stake increased by 400% to 4,800% during the period he owned it. xAI, which is behind Musk's Grok chatbot, is not publicly traded, making it unclear how Michael obtained his position, how it was priced, or to whom he sold it. During Michael's ownership, the Pentagon announced two separate agreements with xAI. In July 2025, the Pentagon chose Grok as one of four commercial providers to help the department utilize artificial intelligence. On December 22, the defense department announced a new agreement with xAI, paving the way for the deployment of its advanced capabilities. Richard Painter, a former ethics lawyer at the White House, said that in general, it was a criminal violation for government officials to participate in actions that benefit their own financial interests. "It sounds pretty weird," he said of the transactions. The Pentagon stated that Michael was "in full compliance with all ethics laws and regulations. Any claims otherwise are false."

Doug Allan, a pioneering wildlife cinematographer, died at the age of 74 while on a trek in Nepal, his management firm said, noting he passed away "immersed in nature and surrounded by friends."Best known for his role as principal camera operator on landmark BBC series including Planet Earth, Frozen Planet and The Blue Planet, Allan amassed a remarkable collection of honors, among them eight Emmy Awards, five BAFTAs, and an OBE awarded in 2024 for services to broadcast media and environmental awareness.Born in Dunfermline, Fife, he earned an honours degree in marine biology from Stirling University in 1973 and soon after joined the British Antarctic Survey as a research diver at Signy Island. It was during this period that his passion for filming blossomed, leading to a pivotal encounter with Sir David Attenborough in 1981, which set him on the path to a distinguished career.Allan’s early forays into polar filming began with a 16 mm camera he purchased for an Antarctic expedition, capturing emperor penguins and selling the footage to the BBC—a move that launched his lifelong partnership with the broadcaster.His dedication to extreme‑environment storytelling earned him the Polar Medal twice, underscoring his expertise in filming some of the planet’s harshest locales.In a 2017 interview, Allan revealed he had spent roughly 620 days tracking and recording polar bears. He recounted a memorable moment when a bear’s wet nose brushed a window, likening it to “a squeegee mop cleaning the glass.” Another close encounter saw a hungry walrus seize his legs underwater, which he repelled by striking the animal with his camera.Allan’s visual legacy, described by his representatives as "breathtaking and intimate moments in the natural world," continues to inspire audiences to appreciate and protect Earth’s wonders.

For the first time, scientists have observed a 'civil war' in wild chimpanzees, where a once unified group turned on itself, leading to a years-long conflict. In a study published in the journal Science, researchers detail the dramatic shift in behavior among the Ngogo chimpanzee group in Uganda's Kibale national park.Primatologist Aaron Sandel, who led the research, noted that the conflict began in 2015 when the group's dynamics started to change. A change in social hierarchies, the death of key older individuals, and a disease outbreak in 2017 contributed to the group's fracture. By 2018, two distinct groups had emerged: the western chimps and the central chimps.The conflict escalated into 24 sustained and coordinated attacks by the western group on the central group over seven years, resulting in the deaths of at least seven adult males and 17 infants. This level of in-group violence is rare in the animal kingdom and has significant implications for understanding human conflict.Sandel suggests that human activities disrupting social cohesion, such as deforestation, climate change, or disease outbreaks, could make such inter-group conflicts more common among chimpanzees, who are already threatened with extinction. The study highlights the fragility of social ties and the potential for group cohesion to be disrupted under specific circumstances.Brian Wood, an evolutionary anthropologist, noted that the western chimps increased their Darwinian fitness by decreasing the survival and reproduction of their former community members. This conflict has resulted in the lowest survivorship ever documented in a wild chimpanzee community.

The two‑child benefit cap, introduced in 2015 by Chancellor George Osborne as a fairness measure, has been widely criticised for penalising families rather than influencing birth rates. Eleven years on, evidence shows the policy did not reduce family size but instead increased hardship for the poorest households.Research estimates that the cap pushed 350,000 children into poverty and drove another 700,000 deeper into deprivation. The impact fell disproportionately on the most vulnerable universal‑credit claimants, with a notable over‑representation of Muslim and Jewish families. Affected children missed out on school uniforms, extracurricular activities, and even regular meals.On Monday, the government announced the cap’s removal – a move that analysts say could deliver the most significant reduction in child poverty seen in a single parliamentary term. Modelling suggests that by 2030 450,000 children could be lifted out of poverty, while roughly 480,000 families may see an annual boost of £4,100. Parents anticipate being able to avoid food banks, afford hot school meals, and prevent bullying linked to clothing.The reversal was not inevitable. Persistent campaigning by think‑tanks, charities, and a handful of rebellious Labour MPs – some of whom faced suspension for defying party whips – forced the issue onto the political agenda. Nevertheless, the editorial notes that an estimated four million children will remain in poverty without further systemic reforms, such as raising Universal Credit rates and increasing local housing allowances.Public opinion remains divided: a recent YouGov poll found that six in ten Britons previously supported keeping the cap, though support for removal rose when the policy was framed as giving every child a good start. The editorial warns that other parties, including Reform UK, have pledged to reinstate the limit, underscoring the need for Labour to consolidate this victory and push for broader anti‑poverty measures.

Matthew Macfadyen headlines the new Sky Atlantic series ‘The Miniature Wife’, playing scientist Les Littlejohn, a brilliant but ethically dubious researcher who accidentally shrinks his wife Lindy (Elizabeth Banks) to six inches tall. The premise promises a darkly comic exploration of marital power dynamics and modern misogyny. However, the show quickly abandons this fertile ground. Showrunners Jennifer Ames and Steve Turner opt for a frenetic, screwball tone that feels forced, leaving the underlying commentary underdeveloped. The central conceit – a miniature wife trapped in a dollhouse – is treated more as a visual gag than a vehicle for satire. The series is littered with side plots that never coalesce. A subplot about a misattributed short story attempts to touch on authorship and truth in the digital age, yet it remains a superficial gesture. Likewise, the ensemble cast—including Zoe Lister‑Jones as a lab overseer, O‑T Fagbenle as a lovelorn colleague, and Sian Clifford as Lindy’s agent—offers colorful moments but fails to achieve narrative momentum. Visually, the production delivers inventive set pieces: Lindy’s daring escapes from towering household objects and explosive laboratory experiments provide occasional laughs. Nevertheless, the novelty wears thin before the series’ nearly ten‑hour runtime concludes. The original short story by Manuel Gonzales required far more expansion than the show supplies, resulting in a stretched‑out narrative that would have benefited from a tighter format. In short, while Macfadyen’s performance is competent, it is largely wasted in a series that promises depth but delivers only scattered comedy. ‘The Miniature Wife’ may satisfy viewers seeking light‑hearted antics, but it falls short of the incisive satire its premise suggests. The series is available on Sky Atlantic, streaming on Now in the UK and on Stan in Australia.

A British warship together with a Royal Air Force P‑8 maritime patrol aircraft monitored three Russian submarines that were trying to survey key undersea infrastructure in the North Atlantic, the defence secretary John Healey said at a Downing Street briefing.Healey explained that the operation, which lasted **over a month**, took place not within UK territorial waters but in the country's exclusive economic zone – the area extending up to 200 nautical miles from the coastline and bordering neighbouring zones.The Russian vessels comprised an Akula‑class nuclear‑powered submarine and two deep‑sea research submarines from the GUGI directorate, a unit that normally conducts peacetime surveys of underwater infrastructure but possesses the capability to damage it in conflict.According to the minister, the British forces tracked and deterred any malign activity around the submarines 24/7, deploying regular sonar buoys to demonstrate continuous monitoring. The presence of the Royal Navy ship and the P‑8 aircraft, supported by NATO allies, left the Russian crews with “no doubt that they were being watched”.As a result, the Akula submarine “retreated home” and the two GUGI subs subsequently exited the UK’s maritime zone, heading northward. The operation involved **about 500 UK personnel**.Healey stressed that there was **no evidence of damage** to any pipelines or cables, but that UK forces and allies would verify the integrity of the infrastructure. He warned President Putin that any attempt to sabotage the network would “not be tolerated and will have serious consequences”.The defence secretary framed the incident as proof that Moscow is “the primary threat to the UK and to NATO”, underscoring the need for heightened vigilance over undersea assets amid the broader security fallout from the Ukraine war and recent tensions in the Middle East.He also linked the episode to broader defence policy, stating that the successful deterrence demonstrates the UK’s ability to detect, deter and, if necessary, respond to threats against its critical maritime infrastructure, while calling for continued investment in defence capabilities.

The ceasefire deal between Iran and the US has been hailed as a significant achievement for China, which has been actively working to promote de-escalation and an end to hostilities in the region. Beijing's powerbrokers are being credited with pushing Iran towards agreeing to the ceasefire, bolstering its status as a regional mediator.In China's tightly censored domestic media, articles basking in the glory of China being the grown-up in the room at a time of international crisis were allowed to circulate. China's role in the negotiations was confirmed by US President Donald Trump, who told the Agence France-Presse news agency that he believed China had got Iran to agree to a ceasefire.However, some analysts are sceptical about how influential China could actually have been in the late-night discussions. The deal is advantageous to Iran, and encouraging the regime to agree to it would have been like 'pushing an open door', according to one analyst. Nicholas Lyall, a senior researcher at Trends, a research and advisory firm in Abu Dhabi, said: 'In terms of whether China had to do much pushing of Iran for it to agree to the temporary ceasefire, and whether Iran was swayed by this reported Chinese effort, it's essential to clarify what Iran has actually agreed to.'Officially, China has not confirmed or denied reports that it played an active role in the Islamabad negotiations. At a press conference on Wednesday, the foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said only that China 'had been actively working to promote de-escalation and an end to all hostilities'. China's economic interests are also at stake, as the risk of a global recession and soaring fossil fuel prices poses a threat to the Chinese economy, which is heavily dependent on exports.Analysts are even more sceptical of the idea that China might act as the guarantor of any ceasefire agreement in the Middle East. Song Bo, a fellow at the Center for International Security and Strategy at Tsinghua University, said: 'China doesn't have a direct stake with any of the parties in the Middle East. Acting as a guarantor for a ceasefire would be an extremely high-cost diplomatic undertaking, and I don't think China would commit to that easily.'