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The United States military confirmed that, beginning at 10 a.m. Eastern Time (14:00 GMT) on April 13, all maritime traffic entering or leaving Iranian ports will be blocked. The directive, issued by U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM), targets vessels of every nation operating in the Gulf and the Gulf of Oman, but explicitly excludes ships merely transiting the Strait of Hormuz to non‑Iranian ports, marking a narrower scope than former President Donald Trump’s broader strait‑wide threat. This decisive action follows the abrupt end of marathon peace talks in Islamabad, where negotiators failed to secure a memorandum of understanding with Tehran. The stalemate has revived fears of renewed hostilities, prompting the U.S. to leverage maritime pressure as a bargaining chip. Financial markets reacted sharply: U.S. crude oil prices surged 8 % to $104.24 per barrel, while the benchmark Brent crude rose 7 % to $102.29. The spikes reflect investor anxiety over potential disruptions to the flow of oil and liquefied natural gas that currently passes through the Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint responsible for roughly one‑fifth of global energy shipments. Since the February 28 launch of a joint U.S.–Israel operation against Iran, the strait’s traffic has dwindled to a trickle. Iran continues to navigate its own vessels and has allowed limited passage for foreign ships, while discussing a post‑conflict toll system for the waterway. In response to the blockade threat, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps warned that any U.S. warship attempting to enforce the measure would breach the existing U.S.–Iran ceasefire—set to expire on April 22—and would be "dealt with severely." Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi blamed the United States for the diplomatic failure, accusing U.S. negotiators of "shifting the goalposts" when a deal was "just inches away." Academic commentary echoed regional concerns. Zohreh Kharazmi, an associate professor at the University of Tehran, asserted that the United States "is not in a position to dictate" Iranian maritime movements and warned that a prolonged standoff would quickly reveal which side—"the resilience of the Islamic Republic or the resilience of global markets"—would suffer first. While the blockade targets Iranian ports, CENTCOM emphasized that it will not impede freedom of navigation for vessels merely passing through the Strait of Hormuz, a subtle but significant concession aimed at avoiding a full‑scale maritime confrontation.

The US political landscape is increasingly dominated by money, with billionaires and corporations spending vast amounts to influence elections and policy. In California, signature collectors are being paid $15 apiece to gather signatures in support of countermeasures against a proposed billionaire tax.The crisis has escalated since the 2010 Citizens United decision, which shredded limits on independent corporate election spending, fueling the growth of cash-flush Super Pacs and anonymous dark money non-profits. In 2024, $1.5bn in Super Pac donations came from organizations that aren’t required to name their donors.The ruling has, on balance, boosted conservatives, with Republicans receiving a four-point electoral bump in states where Citizens United struck down existing bans on corporate donations. Meanwhile, rampant income inequality has fueled a parallel democratic deficit, with the richest 10% of Americans now owning 93% of the stock market.To rebalance the scales, alternatives such as public election financing are being explored, which helped Zohran Mamdani secure his mayoral victory in New York City last year. Currently implemented in 15 states and Washington DC, these programs issue grants, vouchers and matching funds that augment the power of small donations.Citizens United might also be circumvented by novel legal maneuvering, with states holding considerable authority to define the powers they grant to incorporated entities. In Montana, organizers are collecting signatures for a Transparent Election Initiative that would strip corporations of the power to engage in election spending.

More than 1,000 film and television professionals have signed an open letter opposing Paramount’s pending acquisition of Warner Bros Discovery, a deal valued at $111 billion. The signatories include high‑profile names such as Joaquin Phoenix, Ben Stiller, Mark Ruffalo, Yorgos Lanthimos, Kristen Stewart, Jane Fonda, and Emma Thompson.The letter, published on BlocktheMerger.com, warns that the merger would undermine the integrity, independence and diversity of the U.S. media sector, consolidating the number of major studios to just four and jeopardising a "vibrant future" for what it calls America’s "single most significant export" – its cultural content.Signatories argue that media consolidation already weakens competition, leading to fewer mid‑budget films, reduced independent distribution, higher production costs and fewer jobs across the ecosystem. They stress that competition is essential for both a healthy economy and a healthy democracy.Among the notable supporters are directors Denis Villeneuve, Boots Riley, Mimi Leder and Nicole Holofcener, as well as TV veterans David Chase, Noah Wyle, Ramy Youssef, Rob Delaney, Jason Bateman and Ted Danson. The letter also praises California Attorney General Rob Bonta and other state officials for scrutinising the deal.Paramount CEO David Ellison, who outbid Netflix for Warner Bros, claims the merger will boost creative output, pledging to release 30 theatrical titles annually and invest in both studios. Critics, however, remain skeptical, pointing to the Ellisons’ political ties and the risk of fewer politically‑engaged films.Recent accolades underscore the stakes: Warner Bros productions captured a record 11 Oscars in March, while Paramount films earned no nominations. The industry fears that the combined entity could further diminish quality and lead to significant job losses.Paramount has responded with a statement emphasizing that the transaction will “create a company that can greenlight more projects, back bold ideas, support talent across multiple stages of their careers, and bring stories to audiences at a truly global scale—while strengthening competition.” The letter’s authors remain unconvinced, urging regulators to block the merger to preserve competition, protect jobs, and safeguard the cultural export that defines American cinema.

On a recent weekday evening, a special bus tour whisked art lovers through over twelve galleries and museums that stayed open until midnight, offering a late‑night glimpse of the Abidjan Art Week programme.The after‑hours event, dubbed the Night of the Galleries, was first trialled in January 2024 alongside the Africa Cup of Nations – a tournament that Côte d’Ivoire both hosted and won – and has become a staple of the festival’s third edition, which ran from Tuesday to Sunday.Since its inception, the week has broadened its footprint, moving beyond the city centre to include venues such as the La Rotonde des Arts contemporary‑arts hub in the Plateau district and the Adama Toungara Museum of Contemporary Cultures (MuCAT) in the working‑class neighbourhood of Abobo.Local collectors are emerging in force. MuCAT has hosted the Africa Foto Fair each year since 2022, and the Marché des Arts du Spectacle d’Abidjan – the city’s answer to the Dakar Biennale – is set to launch its 14th edition later this month.A graffiti festival launched two years ago has transformed the perception of street art, with vibrant murals now adorning the façade of the La Pyramide building and several upscale hotels in Plateau.Organisers stress that the festival’s growth should be independent of external validation. This year’s roster featured artists from Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Mali, and the number of participating galleries more than doubled compared with previous editions.Founder Yacouba Konaté, who also directs La Rotonde des Arts, highlighted the festival’s commitment to accessibility, arguing that art should not be seen as an elite pastime.The opening tribute honoured Simone Guirandou‑N’Diaye, a pioneering Ivorian art historian whose legacy lives on through Galerie LouiSimone Guirandou, now run with her daughter Gazelle.Among the week’s highlights, MuCAT presented Murmures d’Archives, a quieter, archival‑focused exhibition that concluded with an artists’ workshop and a DJ set.In the upscale Cocody district, New York‑based artist Ouattara Watts staged a solo show at Galerie Cécile Fakhoury, drawing the Ivorian diaspora into dialogue with the local scene. Watts explained that his work aims to transcend borders, describing it as “a vision that goes beyond any map – it is the cosmos that I paint.”

Meta, the company behind Facebook and Instagram, is reportedly working on an AI version of its CEO, Mark Zuckerberg. This AI clone is being trained on Zuckerberg's mannerisms, tone, and public statements to allow employees to interact with a digital version of their boss.The rationale behind this project is to make Meta's 79,000 employees feel more connected to one of the most influential figures in Silicon Valley. The AI character will be developed using images and the voice of Zuckerberg, with the CEO reportedly taking part in the training process.This move is part of Meta's broader effort to integrate AI into its business operations. The company aims to use AI to lower costs and accelerate work pace. Zuckerberg has emphasized the importance of efficiency, stating that the goal is to 'get more done' by elevating individual contributors and flattening teams.The development of this AI character follows Meta's previous experiments with digital avatars. In 2022, Zuckerberg shared his own avatar in the metaverse, which received public criticism for its graphic quality. The company has since scaled back its metaverse vision, focusing on AI-generated 3D characters for everyday conversations.Meta's investment in AI is part of a larger strategy to remain competitive with tech rivals. The company is pouring billions of dollars into AI research to create 'superintelligence,' a system capable of performing any cognitive task far better than a human.

Chala Chala Nav Bala (Maze Baal, 1943) marks the debut of Asha Bhosle, who entered the film world at ten years old. Paired with her sister Lata Mangeshkar, her bright falsetto captures the youthful innocence of the Marathi romance, foreshadowing the emotive style that would define her career. Aaiye Meherbaan (Howrah Bridge, 1958) showcases Bhosle’s rise during Hindi cinema’s golden age, thanks to her partnership with composer O.P. Nayyar. The song’s sultry vibrato and lush orchestration set the tone for the film’s noir atmosphere, establishing her as a leading‑lady playback voice. Aao Huzoor Tumko (Kismat, 1968) became a chart‑topping hit, featuring intricate vocal runs over a flamenco‑style guitar. Bhosle’s lower‑register chorus broke the conventional shrillness of female playback, while her nuanced phrasing added depth to the on‑screen heroine’s drunken allure. Dum Maro Dum (Hare Rama, Hare Krishna, 1971) stands out as her most successful crossover, later sampled by Western rappers. The track, produced with R.D. Burman—her future husband—blends psychedelic Beatles‑inspired grooves with Hindi lyrics, demonstrating her ability to bridge Eastern and Western pop sensibilities. Piya Tu Ab To Aaja (Caravan, 1971) pushes the fusion further into jazz‑cabaret territory, with bold horn sections and cinematic guitar reverb. Bhosle’s breathy, suggestive delivery sparked controversy, yet the performance remains a masterclass in balancing sensuality with technical agility. Chura Liya Hai Tumne Jo Dil Ko (Yaadon Ki Baaraat, 1973) epitomises the “masala” film soundtrack, merging drama, romance, and crime. Over a gentle guitar backdrop, Bhosle’s tender humming conveys quiet longing, contrasting with the film’s high‑octane narrative. In Ankhon Ki Masti (Umrao Jaan, 1981) sees Bhoske venture into Urdu ghazals with composer Khayyam. Her lower, huskier timbre—adjusted a half‑step down—highlights her continued artistic experimentation even as she approached fifty. Bow Down Mister (1991) illustrates her early 1990s foray into international collaborations, lending wordless, soaring vocals to Boy George’s post‑Culture Club project. The track transforms into a rave‑infused anthem, underscoring Bhosle’s versatility across genres. Radha Kaise Na Jale (Lagaan, 2001) pairs Bhosle with a young A.R. Rahman, reaffirming her status as an elder stateswoman of Indian music. The duet with Udit Narayan blends tabla and flute with powerful vocal runs, marrying traditional Hindustani scales to contemporary film scoring. The Way You Dream (2002) features an unexpected partnership with REM frontman Michael Stipe on the 1 Giant Leap project. The eight‑minute piece weaves tabla rhythms, subtle guitar, and a dramatic breakbeat, proving that Bhosle’s voice can seamlessly inhabit New Age and electronic soundscapes.

While the two‑week pause in the US‑Israel campaign against Iran remains uncertain, one constant is clear: Donald Trump lacks a concrete plan, but Benjamin Netanyahu does. The war’s stated aim – to cripple Iran’s state capacity – is only a stepping stone toward a larger vision of a Greater Israel. For Israel’s right‑wing, the phrase often evokes a purely territorial ambition: enlarging the land Israel claims. History shows this expansionist drive has repeatedly displaced Palestinians, a process that has accelerated dramatically in recent years. Since the war began, Israel has flattened Gaza, killing tens of thousands and reducing the civilian‑inhabitable area to roughly 12 % of its pre‑war size. In the West Bank, a wave of settlement expansion and property destruction rivals the scale of the 1967 conflict. Beyond the occupied territories, Israel has seized parts of Syria and is forging a de‑facto occupation zone in southern Lebanon, with ministers from Religious Zionism, Jewish Power and Likud openly demanding Israeli sovereignty there. Finance minister Bezalel Smotrich even called for an expansion “to Damascus,” and Netanyahu has publicly expressed a deep personal connection to this territorial vision. However, Greater Israel is as much a geopolitical and strategic construct as a land‑grab. Netanyahu’s ambition extends beyond occupying borders; he seeks a regional dominion built on new alliances and hard‑power dependencies. After the October 7 attacks and the ensuing Gaza devastation, Israel’s prospects for Arab‑state normalization stalled. Faced with a choice between a conciliatory approach and a zero‑sum rejection of a Palestinian future, Netanyahu chose the latter, aiming to eliminate Iran as a regional counterweight – a move that inevitably required massive US military involvement. Former Israeli security analysts note that, from the perspective of Sunni Gulf states, a weakened Iran would elevate Israel to the role of “dominant regional power.” Achieving this, according to the article, also means softening the Gulf Cooperation Council (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, UAE) and making them dependent on Israel for security and energy routes. The spill‑over of Iranian drone and missile attacks on GCC infrastructure is portrayed not as an accident but as a calculated element of Israel’s strategy. When the US‑Israel coalition struck Iranian energy sites, Iran retaliated against the Gulf, disrupting global oil flows through the Strait of Hormuz. Netanyahu seized the moment to propose “alternative routes” – oil and gas pipelines that would bypass Hormuz and Bab‑al‑Mandab, ending at Israeli Mediterranean ports. In a meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Netanyahu outlined a “hexagon of alliances” linking India, Arab nations, African states, Greece, Cyprus and other Asian partners, positioning Israel as the central hub. Recent IDF strategy papers echo this, suggesting Israel could achieve “operational control” far beyond its borders without permanent occupation, likening the Middle East to a “jungle” where Israel would become the “queen.” Netanyahu now describes Israel not merely as a “regional superpower” but, in some contexts, as a “global superpower.” He promises the hexagonal alliance will confront a “radical Shia axis” and an “emerging radical Sunni axis,” with Turkey singled out as the next strategic threat. Dismissal of the Greater Israel rhetoric as wartime hyperbole would be misleading. The article warns that a permanent war‑oriented mindset permeates Israel’s political elite, security establishment and media, posing a risk of overreach and regional blowback. Containing this expansive vision may become one of the most pressing post‑war challenges for the Middle East.

Oil prices jumped back above $100 a barrel and global stocks fell after weekend talks between the US and Iran ended without an agreement and Donald Trump imposed a blockade of the Strait of Hormuz. The US president announced the blockade on Sunday, targeting Iranian vessels and ships that have paid a toll to Iran for passage through the strait, in an attempt to choke off the flow of Iranian oil.US Central Command said it would start at 10am ET (5.30pm in Iran and 3pm in the UK), blocking all Iranian Gulf ports and coastal areas, in effect seizing control of maritime traffic in the Strait of Hormuz. The news drove oil and gas prices sharply higher again, after the two-week ceasefire between the US and Iran announced on Wednesday prompted a sharp fall in energy prices, and crude ended the week below the psychological $100 a barrel threshold.Brent crude rose by nearly 7% to $101.74 a barrel on Monday morning, while US crude is up more than 8% to $104.69 a barrel. Gas prices also increased, with the British wholesale gas contract for May soaring by 11.7% to 122.5p a therm. Analysts at JPMorgan Chase said last week they expected oil prices to stay high in the second quarter, above $100 a barrel, before easing in the second half of the year.Most Asian stock markets fell on Monday, with Japan’s Nikkei down 0.7% and Hong Kong’s Hang Seng index losing 1%, while Chinese stocks rose slightly. Sentiment was helped by Beijing’s announcement of a 10-initiative strategy aimed at deepening ties with Taiwan. European stocks also fell, led by airlines including Lufthansa, Wizz Air, easyJet and British Airways parent IAG. The FTSE 100 index in London lost 0.4%, dropping 45 points to 10,555. Germany’s Dax fell 1%, Italy’s FTSE MiB slipped 0.7% and Spain’s Ibex was down 1.1%. With oil and gas prices rising sharply higher, energy companies such as BP and Shell are rallying.Priyanka Sachdeva, senior market analyst at the broker Phillip Nova, said: “In today’s environment, every barrel of risk added to oil markets carries an inflation price tag for the global economy.” She added: “The market reaction underscores a simple but powerful reality: Hormuz risk is not theoretical; it is structural, and it is real.”Interest rate expectations have shifted again; investors now see an 84% chance of two rate increases from the Bank of England this year to tackle rising inflation, up from 60% on Friday. Before the Iran war, the central bank was expected to cut rates. The price of gold fell 0.4% to $4,730.75 an ounce as the blockade fuelled inflation concerns, prompting traders to scale back expectations for Federal Reserve rate cuts this year.

Senator Bernie Sanders used a Manhattan rally on Sunday to issue a stark warning: “the worst is yet to come” for the U.S. economy unless workers confront a ruling class of billionaires. Sharing the stage with New York City mayor Zohran Mamdani, the two leaders announced the launch of Union Now, a nationwide drive to boost union density and provide resources for organizing and strikes. Sanders singled out high‑profile billionaires – Elon Musk (Tesla, SpaceX), Jeff Bezos (Amazon), and President Donald Trump – as the architects of a looming crisis. He warned that Musk’s push for robotics and AI, coupled with Bezos’s recent pledge to raise $100 billion for buying and automating manufacturing firms, threatens to replace human labor on a massive scale. “Unless we fundamentally transform our economic and political systems, the worst is yet to come,” Sanders declared, emphasizing that increasing union membership is the most effective tool to tackle income inequality. Mamdani echoed the sentiment, noting that artificial intelligence is “coming for human jobs” and that worker protections are eroding. He pledged his administration’s support for Union Now, describing the effort as essential for safeguarding workers’ rights. Data presented at the rally underscored the scale of wealth concentration: in 2025, 938 U.S. billionaires saw their net worth rise by $1.5 trillion, while Musk alone possesses more wealth than the bottom 53 % of Americans. Sanders painted the billionaire class as “extremely greedy” and likened their self‑perception to 19th‑century monarchs who believe they have a divine right to rule. He warned that their unchecked influence could leave future generations without a safety net. Highlighting a recent political victory, Sanders cited Mamdani’s mayoral win as proof that ordinary people can defeat billionaire‑backed opposition. He warned that if the current trajectory continues, “fewer people will have more wealth and power, democracy will be undermined, and workers will be left with no recourse.” Closing his speech, Sanders urged unity: “If we stand together and fight for a government that works for all of us, there is nothing we cannot accomplish.”