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Argentina's congress has approved a bill promoted by President Javier Milei that authorizes mining in ecologically sensitive areas of glaciers and permafrost, sparking widespread environmental protests. The bill, which was already approved by the senate in February, will make it easier to mine for metals such as copper, lithium, and silver in frozen parts of the Andes mountains.The chamber of deputies approved the amendment with 137 votes in favor, 111 against, and three abstentions after nearly 12 hours of debate. Environmentalists argue that the legislative changes will weaken protections for crucial water sources, with thousands protesting outside parliament, holding banners with slogans such as “Water is more precious than gold!” and “A glacier destroyed cannot be restored!”Seven Greenpeace activists were arrested earlier in the day after scaling a statue outside parliament and unfurling a banner urging lawmakers “not to betray the Argentine people”. The passage of the amendment is a new coup for Milei, who pushed through looser labor laws in February despite repeated street protests.Environmental activists, such as Flavia Broffoni, argue that there is no possibility of creating a 'sustainable mine' in a periglacial environment. Argentina has nearly 17,000 glaciers or rock glaciers, with glacial reserves in the north-west shrinking by 17% in the last decade due to climate change.Milei, a free-market radical who does not believe in human-made climate change, says the bill is necessary to attract large-scale mining projects. The Central Bank of Argentina estimates that the country could triple its mining exports by 2030. Supporters argue that the bill will provide legal certainty and clear definitions, while critics, such as Enrique Viale, warn that it threatens the water supply for 70% of Argentinians.

On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom’s electorate shifted from party‑centric voting to a binary choice between staying in or leaving the European Union. A decade later, about 60 % of the population still define themselves by the side they chose in that single referendum, turning a one‑off political decision into a lasting personal identity.While analysts often focus on the policy fallout—economic turbulence, party infighting, and shifting trade relations—the real impact runs deeper. The referendum ignited a civil‑war‑like split that continues to shape elections, media narratives, and everyday conversations across the country.Before the global upheavals of the George Floyd protests and the Covid‑19 vaccine rollout, Brexit was Britain’s most potent form of identity politics. It spawned new media outlets, such as GB News, and programmes like The Rest Is Politics, while also marginalising older cultural tropes like the “centrist dad” or “gammon” heckler on Question Time. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Zack Polanski now occupy the political fringe rather than the mainstream.The analysis draws on the new book Tribal Politics: How Brexit Divided Britain by political scientists Sara Hobolt and James Tilley. Their longitudinal surveys reveal a simple yet striking pattern: the referendum transformed a previously lukewarm public attitude toward the EU into a powerful, identity‑based habit.Prior to 2016, most Britons held only a mild Euroscepticism and gave the EU little thought. Even former Prime Minister David Cameron tried to silence the issue in 2006, believing it failed to engage voters. The sudden elevation of a niche concern to a national obsession forced ordinary citizens to pick a side, discuss it in pubs, and embed it into their self‑image—a process James Clear describes as building “identity‑based habits”.Data from Hobolt and Tilley show that emotional attachment to the Brexit identity was modest before the vote, rose sharply as the referendum approached, and surged dramatically after the result was announced. The post‑vote period saw a flood of EU‑themed merchandise, street rallies, and even flag‑clashes at cultural events such as the 2017 Last Night of the Proms.Crucially, the tribal divide has not faded. By 2025, only around 40 % of “Leavers” feel comfortable discussing politics with “Remainers”, and the sentiment is reciprocated. This goes beyond mere disagreement; it reflects a level of social discrimination where individuals on opposite sides would hesitate to share a home or marry into each other’s families.The authors note that the split now extends to perceptions of reality itself. Even in 2024, Remainers and Leavers disagreed on basic economic indicators, illustrating how the referendum reshaped not just policy preferences but fundamental worldviews.Class‑based voting, which dominated the 20th‑century British political landscape, has been largely supplanted by this new cultural cleavage. A previous study co‑authored by Tilley showed that the Labour Party’s turn toward the political centre in the 1990s eroded traditional working‑class loyalty. Today, leader Keir Starmer’s working‑class credentials appear largely symbolic, offering little substantive change.With class politics receded, culture wars have taken centre stage. The Brexit campaign’s vague promises about trade left the nation with a protracted, messy adjustment period. Immigration, famously dubbed the “baseball bat” issue by Dominic Cummings, remains the most polarising policy divide, followed by foreign aid and even the death penalty.Hobolt and Tilley’s most striking chart shows that while Remainers and Leavers clash over immigration, they share little disagreement on economic equality, workers’ rights, or public ownership—issues that directly affect household incomes. This suggests that the political battle is driven more by symbolic identity than by material concerns, benefitting those already financially secure.In sum, the United Kingdom’s post‑Brexit reality is one of entrenched tribalism, where a single referendum has reshaped social bonds, political discourse, and perceptions of truth itself. The nation continues to grapple with the legacy of a vote that turned a policy decision into a lasting cultural fault line.

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

The recent UN General Assembly resolution, led by Ghana, has made a significant statement by declaring the transatlantic slave trade 'the gravest crime against humanity'. Adopted with 123 votes in favor, 3 against, and 52 abstentions, this resolution urges steps including formal apologies, reparatory justice, and the return of looted cultural property.The voting pattern revealed a stark divide, with much of Africa, the Caribbean, and the global south supporting the resolution as a moral imperative. In contrast, Western countries, including the US, Israel, and Argentina, which voted against it, and the UK and EU member states, which abstained, reacted as if acknowledgment itself were a threat to their comfort.Ghanaian President John Dramani Mahama emphasized that the resolution is 'a pathway to healing and reparative justice' and 'a safeguard against forgetting'. The resolution aims to establish, at the highest level, a crime whose scale, brutality, and enduring consequences continue to structure the present.The backlash against the resolution has been revealing, with objections from Britain and the EU framed in terms of legal caution. They argued that the resolution creates a 'hierarchy of historical atrocities' and that the slave trade was not prohibited by international law at the time. However, this stance is seen as a way to avoid confronting the world-making role of transatlantic slavery.The Caribbean Community (Caricom)'s 10-point plan for reparatory justice is crucial in this context. For over a decade, Caricom has insisted that reparatory justice is not merely about writing cheques but about linking formal apologies to development, public health, education, and other areas. The UN resolution is seen as a first step in creating political and moral architecture for reparations claims.The fear of Western countries is not of rhetoric but of precedent. Once the slave trade is officially recognized as foundational and still alive in its consequences, questions about debt, underdevelopment, museum collections, and trade structures inevitably follow. The resolution has exposed who wants the wealth from slavery to remain history's most profitable amnesia.

Progressive candidate Abdul El‑Sayed’s alliance with left‑wing Twitch streamer Hasan Piker has ignited a sharp rift within Michigan’s tightly contested three‑way Senate race, pitting establishment favorite Mallory McMorrow against a pro‑Israel coalition supporting Rep. Haley Stevens. McMorrow, backed by the Democratic establishment, the Anti‑Defamation League, the Trump administration, and prominent pro‑Israel figures, has condemned Piker as antisemitic and warned that his involvement could alienate voters still reeling from the recent Temple Israel synagogue attack. In contrast, El‑Sayed and Piker announced a joint rally last week, prompting McMorrow’s camp to label the partnership a political liability. Seven Arab American leaders interviewed by the Guardian argue that the attacks on El‑Sayed and Piker are both strategic missteps and moral blunders that repeat the mistakes that cost the Democrats in Michigan in 2024. Michigan houses the nation’s highest per‑capita Arab American population, anchored by a large Lebanese diaspora. The ongoing Israeli assault on southern Lebanon—displacing over 1 million civilians and destroying villages—has hit the community hard, with many families directly affected. "Arabs get the pressure and Israel gets compassion," said James Zogby of the Democratic National Committee, underscoring the perceived double standard. Arab American leaders contend that the Democratic focus on Israel while sidelining Lebanese and Muslim concerns could erode crucial voter support. Data from the 2024 election illustrate the risk: Kamala Harris lost Michigan by roughly 80,000 votes, with some analysts estimating that her pro‑Israel stance cost her an additional 100,000 votes. A Guardian analysis found a 22,000‑vote swing away from Democrats in the three cities with the largest Arab American and Muslim populations. National polling now shows a dramatic shift among Democratic voters: support for Israel’s war in Gaza has fallen to an all‑time low of 8%, while a majority favor an arms embargo on Israel. Piker, who commands a 3‑million‑strong Twitch audience, consistently voices sympathy for Palestinians and calls for an embargo, positioning himself as a bridge to younger, progressive voters. Despite the controversy, El‑Sayed maintains that winning requires dialogue with all constituencies, even those outside the progressive bubble, noting his recent appearance on Fox News. He warned that every dollar spent on what he calls an "illegal, unjustified war in Iran" diverts resources from schools, healthcare, and infrastructure in Michigan. As the 2028 election cycle looms, Arab American leaders caution that the Democratic Party’s handling of the Israel‑Palestine issue in this swing state could have lasting repercussions, potentially reshaping the party’s fortunes in the Midwest.

Myanmar's coup leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, has been elected as the country's president by a pro-military parliament, securing 429 out of 584 votes. This move formalizes his control over the war-torn nation, marking a significant shift in the country's political landscape.The 69-year-old general, who orchestrated a 2021 coup against the administration of Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, has long sought the presidency. His ascent follows a lopsided election in December and January won by an army-backed party, which critics and Western governments have deemed a sham.The pro-military Union Solidarity and Development Party secured more than 80 percent of parliamentary seats in the election. With serving members of the armed forces occupying unelected seats, making up a quarter of the total, the party's dominance is clear.Min Aung Hlaing's rise to the presidency is seen as a strategic pivot to consolidate his power as head of a nominally civilian government and gain international legitimacy. However, the ongoing civil war in Myanmar and the formation of a new combined front by anti-military groups pose significant challenges to his administration.

Cameron Boozer earned the Associated Press men’s college basketball Player of the Year honor, marking the fifth time a freshman has captured the award and the second consecutive year a Duke freshman has done so. The 6‑foot‑9 forward was a cornerstone of a Duke squad that posted 35 victories, topped the AP Top 25 poll, secured the No. 1 overall seed for March Madness and advanced to the Elite Eight. Boozer’s versatility—scoring against physical defenses, stretching the floor with perimeter shooting, and facilitating the offense—proved decisive throughout the campaign. Joining the ranks of Cooper Flagg (2025), Zion Williamson (2019), Anthony Davis (2012) and Kevin Durant (2007), Boozer joins a short list of freshmen who later became top‑two NBA draft picks. He noted, “It’s not just about me; the team’s success amplifies these recognitions.” In the AP voting, Boozer secured 59 of 61 votes, with the remaining two cast for BYU freshman AJ Dybantsa, who averaged a national‑best 25.5 points per game. Statistically, Boozer averaged 22.5 points (ninth in Division I) and 10.2 rebounds (twelfth), while dishing out 4.1 assists. His shooting efficiency stood at 55.6% from the field and 39.1% from three‑point range**, and he tied for the national lead with 22 double‑doubles. These numbers underscore his readiness for the professional level. Highlights of his season include a career‑high 35 points against Arkansas, a 29‑point effort versus defending champion Florida, and a dominant 18‑point, 15‑rebound performance against Michigan State. Even in Duke’s season‑ending loss to UConn, Boozer contributed 27 points despite a swollen right eye from an early‑game blow. Duke associate head coach Chris Carrawell praised Boozer, saying the program has been “fortunate to have two of the best freshmen ever play back‑to‑back,” and placed him “right up there” with the sport’s recent legends. In related honors, Fred Hoiberg was named AP Coach of the Year after guiding Nebraska to a breakthrough 28‑win season.

For the second consecutive year, US Vice President JD Vance has emerged as the leading candidate in the straw poll at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), a prominent right-wing gathering in the United States. The poll, which is not necessarily an accurate predictor of the Republican nominee, saw Vance secure 53 percent of the votes from nearly 1,600 attendees. This significant lead highlights Vance's strong support within the conservative base. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, another senior official under President Donald Trump, showed a notable improvement from last year's poll, where he tied for fourth place. Rubio garnered 35 percent of the vote, indicating a rising popularity among CPAC attendees. The straw poll results were announced on stage at the conference, which took place over four days and featured speakers such as Senator Ted Cruz, Iranian opposition leader Reza Pahlavi, and Eduardo and Flavio Bolsonaro, sons of Brazil's former president Jair Bolsonaro. CPAC's annual conference tends to attract attendees from the political right, and this year's event was no exception. The poll results come at a critical time for the Republican Party, with less than eight months until the midterm elections in the US. The party is hoping to defend its congressional majorities amid challenges such as the ongoing war in Iran and rising gas prices. Vance, a veteran and former single-term senator from Ohio, is seen as representing a more isolationist branch of Trump's 'Make America Great Again' (MAGA) base. He has been critical of US involvement in foreign conflicts but has defended Trump's decision to join Israel in joint strikes on Iran. Rubio, on the other hand, has a longer political resume and is viewed as more hawkish towards regime change, particularly in Cuba. Both Vance and Rubio had previously criticized Trump before joining his administration. While the CPAC straw poll has historically shown a realignment in the Republican Party around Trump's politics, it is not always an accurate predictor of future election outcomes. The party's consolidation around Trump's agenda has led to the marginalization of moderate and critical voices.

The House of Lords has backed an Australian-style social media ban for under-16s, with peers voting 266 to 141 against proposals for a public consultation.Conservative former minister Lord Nash said the vote sent an 'unambiguous message' to the government, emphasizing that 'hollow promises and half-measures are not enough.'The vote comes after a jury in Los Angeles found that Meta, the owner of Google and Facebook, designed deliberately addictive products that harmed a 20-year-old's mental health.Nash proposed the age limit as part of the children's wellbeing and schools bill, stating that 'techies' had taken a 'cavalier approach' to content damaging to children.The decision could influence thousands of similar lawsuits in the US accusing social media companies of deliberately causing harm.Lady Cass, a paediatrician and crossbench peer, criticized the government for 'failing to understand the impact of social media on our children.'