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The Growing Fear Among Muslims In Meerut, India, a group of Muslim men are huddled inside a small mosque, discussing the arrangements for Eid al-Adha prayers. The conversation is not about sacrificial animals or charity, but about the pressing issue of where and how they will offer their prayers on Thursday. Restrictions on Public Prayers For more than a decade, right-wing Hindu groups have been protesting against Muslims offering public prayers on Fridays and festivals, citing traffic and security concerns. These groups, and even politicians from Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), have disrupted namaz on roads, in parks, or on vacant plots of land. The Impact on Muslim Communities The restrictions on Eid prayers are creating an atmosphere in which even routine religious gatherings are increasingly treated as security concerns. Mosque committees are quietly recalibrating Eid arrangements, reducing the size of congregations, and asking worshippers to arrive in smaller groups or disperse quickly after prayers. The Psychological Impact For many Muslims, the psychological impact of such restrictions and targeting extends beyond the prayer ground. There is a fear of humiliation, and parents tell young people to avoid standing outside mosques because they don't want trouble. Selective Enforcement of Rules While the government frames the restrictive measures around Muslim festivals as necessary for traffic management and public order, it has also facilitated large Hindu religious processions and celebrations with traffic diversions, police protection, and public infrastructural support. Critics say the contrast with the crackdown on namaz deepens perception among Muslims of a selective enforcement of rules.

India observed Eid al‑Adha on May 31, 2026, with millions participating in prayers, feasting, and charitable acts, despite newly imposed limits on mosque gatherings in several states. The move, framed as a public‑order measure, has ignited discussions about the balance between security concerns and constitutional religious rights.Eid al‑Adha Observances Continue Amid New Prayer CurbsCommunities organized early morning prayers at home and in smaller mosque groups.Charitable distributions (zakat) proceeded through local NGOs and neighborhood networks.Public celebrations, such as animal‑sacrifice rituals, were largely maintained with adjusted crowd sizes.Scope of the Restrictions Across Indian StatesStates including Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Karnataka announced caps on indoor mosque attendance, ranging from 50 to 200 worshippers per session.Outdoor Eid prayers were limited to designated open‑air venues, with authorities monitoring crowd density.Enforcement relies on local police and municipal officials, with fines issued for non‑compliance.Social and Political Implications of Limiting WorshipHuman‑rights groups argue the measures risk infringing on Article 25 of the Indian Constitution, which guarantees freedom of religion.Political opposition parties have condemned the curbs as a tool to marginalize the Muslim minority ahead of upcoming state elections.Supporters claim the restrictions are necessary to prevent potential flashpoints in densely populated urban areas.Potential Trajectory for Religious Gatherings Post‑RestrictionIf the curbs are deemed effective, authorities may institutionalize attendance caps for future large‑scale religious events.Conversely, sustained legal challenges could lead to judicial clarification on the permissible extent of state intervention in worship.Community leaders are urging a collaborative framework that balances safety with the right to congregate, suggesting hybrid models of live‑streamed sermons and staggered prayer times.

The Journey to Rogun: A Nation's AmbitionThe road to Rogun Dam from Tajikistan's capital Dushanbe winds through rocky hills and small villages, offering a glimpse into the challenging terrain where this monumental project is taking shape. For Tajikistan, a nation familiar with winter power outages and harsh geography, the Rogun Dam represents more than just infrastructure—it's a promise of energy security and economic independence.The Engineering Marvel: Taming the Vakhsh RiverThe $5 billion Rogun project, originally launched in the mid-1970s to address Tajikistan's chronic energy shortages, has been described by President Emomali Rahmon as a matter of 'life or death.' The dam is being constructed on extremely difficult terrain, requiring complex engineering solutions including access roads, excavation, transportation challenges, and river control systems.A Subterranean Network: The Hidden InfrastructureRogun is not merely a concrete wall holding back water but an entire network of tunnels, diversions, canals, and facilities beneath and around the mountain. The project includes hydraulic tunnels ranging from 1,100 to 1,500 meters in length and an underground power station housing six units designed to harness the power of the Vakhsh River.The Power Generation: From Water to ElectricityAt the heart of the project are massive turbines that will convert the movement of water into electricity. Once completed, the dam will stand 335 meters high, making it one of the tallest in the world, with a power plant capable of producing approximately 3,600 megawatts of electricity—enough to potentially transform Tajikistan's energy landscape and allow for power exports to neighboring countries.The National Dream: Project of the CenturyFor Tajikistan, Rogun has become the 'Project of the Century'—a gamble on the nation's geography to turn adversity into strength. While the project offers tremendous potential benefits, it also carries significant risks requiring massive funding, meticulous management, stringent safety guarantees, and careful balance with downstream countries in the sensitive regional water system.

The Lead-Up to the Election Ethiopians vote on Monday in a general election to choose members of parliament, who will in turn select the next prime minister. The National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) said 47 political parties and more than 10,900 candidates are in the race, including 2,198 for the federal parliament, 8,736 for regional and city councils and 73 independents. The Main Political Parties The contest brings together ruling, opposition, regional and independent politicians under Ethiopia’s federal parliamentary system, where the government is formed through a parliamentary majority and MPs select the prime minister. The Prosperity Party (PP) The Prosperity Party is the ruling political party in Ethiopia, led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. It was formed in 2019 following the merger of several regional parties that previously made up the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). The party holds a majority in the House of Peoples’ Representatives following the 2021 general election. The National Movement of Amhara (NAMA) The National Movement of Amhara is a regional political party operating mainly in Ethiopia’s Amhara region. It is led by Belete Molla and participates in Ethiopia’s federal parliamentary elections through constituency-based contests. Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice (EZEMA) The Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice is a national political party led by Berhanu Nega. Formed in 2019, it has participated in national elections since 2021 and operates across multiple regions. The Peace for Ethiopia Coalition The Peace for Ethiopia coalition is an alliance of smaller regional parties, including the Agew National Council, Gamo Democratic Party, Gambella Peoples’ Freedom Movement, Kaffa Green Party, and Tigray Democratic Cooperation. Electoral Stakes and Political Environment The election will determine the composition of Ethiopia’s federal government and which party or coalition controls parliament. Elected MPs will select the prime minister, who then forms the federal government. Voter Engagement and Demographics NEBE reports that more than 50 million people are registered to vote in the election. Young people make up a large share of the population, with a median age of about 19 years, according to UN population estimates. Women account for around half of registered voters.

Germany's World Cup ComebackGermany are desperate for a successful World Cup after two spectacular failures – they were knocked out in the group stages in 2018 and 2022. They certainly look improved under coach Julian Nagelsmann, who took over in September 2023 and has restored some national pride. Germany eased through their World Cup qualification group with five wins from six matches.The Squad: Youth Meets ExperienceThe squad blends the youthful brilliance of Jamal Musiala and Florian Wirtz with the experience of Joshua Kimmich, Antonio Rudiger and veteran goalkeeper Manuel Neuer, who surprised many by coming out of international retirement for the tournament. However, whether the team as a whole is talented enough to pose a serious threat to the favourites and whether all the pieces really fit together under the pressure of a tournament remain to be seen.Group Stage ChallengesIn 2018, Germany crashed out after losing to South Korea. In 2022, they were defeated by Japan en route to being eliminated on goal difference. Nagelsmann has restored some national pride, and Germany looked decent as the host nation at Euro 2024 and were perhaps unlucky to lose to Spain in the quarterfinals. The mood around the squad seems optimistic, and they will expect to go deep in the tournament.Key Players to WatchAt the heart of Germany's ambitions are gifted young attackers in Musiala, Wirtz and Lennart Karl. Musiala, 23, was the standout performer at Euro 2024 and gives the team an individual spark of genius. However, he suffered a horrific injury in July, breaking his leg and dislocating an ankle. Wirtz, meanwhile, has endured a difficult season after his big money move to Liverpool but seems to have found his feet in the Premier League. Karl is another exciting prospect who became Bayern's youngest scorer in the UEFA Champions League and third youngest in the Bundesliga.Neuer's Shock ReturnThe 40-year-old goalkeeper was a surprise inclusion in Nagelsmann's 26-man World Cup squad. Neuer retired from international play after Euro 2024, but the Bayern keeper is now set to make his fifth World Cup appearance with Nagelsmann saying he is the first choice ahead of Oliver Baumann and Alexander Nubel. "Everyone knows the aura and quality Manu has, what he brings to a team," Nagelsmann said as he announced the squad.Questions for NagelsmannSeveral players look nailed on to start – think Leon Goretzka alongside Aleksandar Pavlovic as a double pivot in midfield and Kimmich at right back. But other positions are less settled, not least up front, where Germany lack a world-class out-and-out striker. Niclas Fullkrug is a traditional number nine but did not make the cut after a terrible season in front of goal for AC Milan. Newcastle's Nick Woltemade did make the squad despite a mixed season for his club. Kai Havertz can be used as a false nine, but it is not his most natural position.Group Stage OutlookNo disrespect to the other teams, but Germany will likely have breathed a sigh of relief when the draw for Group E was made. On paper, they will expect to progress comfortably. They open their campaign on June 14 against Curacao, the smallest nation ever to reach a World Cup. Their second game on June 20 against Ivory Coast should provide a stiffer test as the Ivorians, who are returning to the World Cup for the first time in 12 years, are a dangerous side. The final group game is on June 25 against Ecuador, who finished second in qualifying ahead of Brazil, Colombia and Uruguay.Germany's World Cup SquadGoalkeepers: Manuel Neuer (Bayern Munich), Oliver Baumann (Hoffenheim), Alexander Nubel (Stuttgart)Defenders: Joshua Kimmich (captain, Bayern Munich), Nico Schlotterbeck (Borussia Dortmund), David Raum (RB Leipzig), Jonathan Tah (Bayern Munich), Waldemar Anton (Borussia Dortmund), Antonio Rudiger (Real Madrid), Nathaniel Brown (Eintracht Frankfurt), Malick Thiaw (Newcastle United)Midfielders: Jamal Musiala (Bayern Munich), Florian Wirtz (Liverpool), Lennart Karl (Bayern Munich), Angelo Stiller (Stuttgart), Aleksandar Pavlovic (Bayern Munich), Leon Goretzka (Bayern Munich), Leroy Sane (Galatasaray), Felix Nmecha (Borussia Dortmund), Nadiem Amiri (Mainz), Pascal Gross (Brighton and Hove Albion)Forwards: Kai Havertz (Arsenal), Deniz Undav (Stuttgart), Jamie Leweling (Stuttgart), Nick Woltemade (Newcastle United), Maximilian Beier (Borussia Dortmund)

Brighton & Hove Albion Women will take the field against Manchester City Women at Wembley on 31 May 2026 for the Women's FA Cup final. City aim to complete a first-ever double, while Brighton chase their inaugural major trophy, playing under the emotional weight of the recent passing of Rado Vidosic, the club’s former head of coaching. Brighton Chasing First Major Trophy Amid Tribute to Late Coach Rado Vidosic The match carries deep personal significance for Brighton. Rado Vidosic, who died from cancer four months earlier, was a pivotal figure in the club’s development. His son, Dario Vidosic, who grew up watching Wembley finals, now leads the team onto the pitch, honoring his father's legacy. Match Timing, Historical Context and Key Figures Kick‑off: 3:00 pm BST (13:00 GMT) City’s ambition: First domestic double in club history. Brighton’s goal: First Women’s FA Cup title since the competition’s inception. Key players: Khadija “Bunny” Shaw (City) – recently secured a four‑year contract extension; Ruth Keenan (Brighton) – leading scorer this season. Historical note: City have won the league this season; Brighton have never lifted the cup. Potential Shift in Women’s Football Power Balance A Brighton victory would signal a breakthrough for clubs outside the traditional powerhouses, potentially encouraging greater investment in smaller teams. Conversely, a City win would cement their dominance and could accelerate the professionalisation of the women's game across England, attracting more sponsors and media attention. What the Result Could Mean for Both Clubs If City wins: Reinforces their status as the premier English women’s side, boosting brand value and likely influencing future player recruitment. If Brighton wins: Provides a morale boost, validates the club’s development pathway, and may spur increased fan engagement and funding. Long‑term outlook: Either outcome will shape the narrative for the 2026‑27 season, affecting league dynamics, TV rights negotiations and grassroots participation.

The Concept of 'Mind Children' A few months ago, an AI researcher from Europe attended a dinner party in Silicon Valley. During one of the many courses, the host addressed his guests, all of whom worked in AI. The researcher paraphrased his message like this: “Isn’t it amazing that we are the last generation of humans who will need to think about procreating biologically? We were lucky enough to be born at a time where we can simply upload our consciousnesses instead.” The Book That Sparked the Conversation The book in question was Hans Moravec’s Mind Children: The Future of Robot and Human Intelligence, which was first published in 1988, and which at the time, according to economist and futurist Robin Hanson of George Mason University, caused a big splash in a small pond – the community of robotics and machine-learning experts to which Moravec belonged. The Data Analysis Moravec’s book is more philosophical treatise than technological manual, but the central idea is that cultural evolution has long since taken over from biological evolution as the most powerful force shaping humanity. The logical extrapolation of this is that the information that encodes our future selves would soon be packed into hardware and software rather than DNA. The Impact Analysis Angela Aristidou, who studies the real-life deployment of AI at University College London, is not surprised that Moravec’s book is enjoying a revival. She says that what in 1988 might have read like science fiction – and still might to most of us – looks eminently realisable to those in the know. The Prediction Hanson shares his conviction that the revolution is inevitable, as soon as AI attains something experts agree to call human-level intelligence. “We are going to generate an explosion of things like us in the future, who will be different from us in many ways,” Hanson says. “To the extent that they have minds somewhat like ours, they are our mind children.”

The LeadMost men in the UK will not be offered prostate cancer screening if the government accepts the final recommendation of an expert committee. The UK National Screening Committee (UKNSC) has concluded that widespread screening using the prostate-specific antigen (PSA) test was "likely to cause more harm than good" despite prostate cancer being the most common cancer in the UK.The Recommendation DetailsThe committee recommended screening only for men with the BRCA2 gene variant who have a family history of certain cancers, suggesting they be screened every two years between the ages of 45 and 61. For this specific group, prostate cancer is more common, develops earlier, and can be more aggressive. Of 100 men with a BRCA2 variant, between 21 and 35 will develop prostate cancer before the age of 80.The committee recommended against screening for other at-risk groups, including black men, citing "ongoing uncertainty on whether screening would cause more good than harm." The main harms of population screening include incontinence and erectile dysfunction in men who do not need treatment for the disease.The Prevalence DataProstate cancer is the most common cancer in the UK, with more than 64,000 men diagnosed every year. However, there is currently no national screening programme for the disease. The UKNSC estimates that its final recommendation would lead to "a few thousand" men being screened for prostate cancer each year.Only around one in every 300 to 400 people will have BRCA gene variations, though as many as one in every 40 Ashkenazi Jewish people carry these variations. In England, the NHS offers free BRCA gene testing for anyone aged 18 or over who has at least one Jewish grandparent.The Impact AnalysisThe decision will come as a blow to campaigners who have voiced support for more widespread screening, including high-profile figures like Sir Chris Hoy, David Cameron, and Sir Stephen Fry. Prostate Cancer UK expressed being "deeply disappointed" with the recommendation, stating that without a screening programme for the UK's most common cancer, "we lose more than 12,000 dads, brothers and partners every single year."However, medical experts argue that screening can reduce deaths from prostate cancer only to a small extent and does not improve overall survival. The challenge remains that once a prostate cancer is found, doctors still can't reliably tell which cancers need treatment and which do not, and treatments can cause long-lasting harm.The Future OutlookThe government will now consider the recommendation, with the new Health Secretary James Murray set to meet with the UKNSC chair. The Department of Health and Social Care stated that Murray "will give full and careful consideration to the recommendation" and would update on the government's response shortly.The committee acknowledged that more research is needed to address evidence gaps, particularly regarding black men. The UKNSC will work with the Transform trial, launched by Prostate Cancer UK, to gather more data. It was noted as "particularly important" that a "sufficient number" of black men be invited to participate in this trial.

Internet Blackout Flickers Back: The Human Toll After 88 DaysAt about 5 pm on Tuesday, the first wave of messages, images and poems broke through Iran’s near‑total internet blackout that began on 8 January. While many celebrated the return of any connection, the tone was dominated by scepticism, anxiety and grief.Partial Restoration Triggers Mixed Reactions Across IranFirst‑hand accounts illustrate the emotional split:Ellie, 42, an artist from Tehran, described lighting a cigarette, playing SoundCloud and crying, calling the glimpse of connectivity “a small taste of a much greater freedom.”Maryam, a photographer, called the celebrations “nauseating” and warned that the internet is a basic right, not a regime achievement.Mina, 23, a recently arrested protester, warned that the limited return could be a prelude to expanded surveillance, dubbing it “filternet.”Other voices, from students posting “Hello, fellow prisoners” to diaspora activists monitoring loved‑ones, echoed a blend of relief and dread.Scale of Disruption: Numbers Behind the BlackoutDuration: 88 days of near‑total outage.Start date: 8 January – imposed to crush nationwide anti‑government protests.Partial lifts: Gradual restoration in February, a second blackout after late‑February US/Israeli strikes, and the latest limited connectivity on 30 May 2026.Access cost: VPNs became “rocketing” in price, leaving most citizens in digital isolation.Why the Partial Return Deepens Political and Social StrainThe limited connectivity does not signal a liberalisation of digital rights. Instead, it reveals a strategic use of the internet as a tool of control:Regime supporters applauded the government, framing the partial lift as a victory.Iranians on the ground reported that essential services—mobile internet, WhatsApp—remain largely unusable, hampering work and communication.The national security council’s recent approval of “Internet Pro”—a restricted, sector‑specific service—suggests a move toward monitored, commercial‑grade connectivity rather than open access.Diaspora observers noted heightened anxiety over possible surveillance, with many fearing that the restored channels will be used to track dissent.What the Next Phase of “Internet Pro” Could Mean for IraniansAnalysts warn that the rollout of Internet Pro may cement a two‑tiered digital landscape: a limited, state‑approved network for businesses and a heavily throttled, surveilled channel for the general public. If the regime expands this model, the following outcomes are plausible:Increased reliance on costly VPNs and satellite links for uncensored communication.Further erosion of trust in online platforms, driving more citizens to offline or encrypted alternatives.Potential escalation of international pressure as human‑rights groups highlight the disparity between “partial restoration” and genuine freedom of expression.For now, the flicker of connectivity serves as a stark reminder that “what truly came back online is our misery, not freedom.”