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Britain’s cabinet is set to introduce a sweeping bill that would let ministers dynamically align UK regulations with EU single‑market rules using so‑called Henry VIII powers. The proposal would enable the government to adopt evolving EU standards in sectors such as food, drink, automotive and emissions trading without the need for a separate parliamentary vote on each change.The legislation is tied to the forthcoming food and drink trade deal with the EU, which the government claims will generate £5.1 billion a year for the British economy. By granting ministers the ability to implement new EU rules through secondary legislation, the bill aims to cut red tape, lower costs for businesses, and accelerate the rollout of trade agreements.Under the proposed framework, Parliament would retain the ability to approve or reject secondary legislation but would not be able to amend it. Critics warn this could turn MPs into mere "rubber‑stamps" for EU‑aligned regulations, limiting democratic scrutiny and potentially provoking retaliatory measures from the EU if the UK blocks such instruments.Political analysts note that the move comes amid heightened geopolitical tension following the United States’ war with Iran, which has exposed the fragility of Britain’s special relationship with Washington. Ministers argue that deeper regulatory alignment with the EU will add billions to the UK economy, mitigate the cost of the conflict, and address the “sluggish productivity” that has plagued the post‑Brexit era.Economic forecasts from the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) underscore the stakes: Brexit is projected to cut long‑run productivity by 4 % and shrink both exports and imports by 15 % compared with a scenario where the UK remained in the EU. Proponents of the bill contend that aligning with EU standards without re‑joining the customs union or single market will help reverse these losses while respecting political red lines on sovereignty and freedom of movement.Opposition parties, including hard‑Brexit advocates and the Liberal Democrats, have signalled they will challenge the bill, particularly in the House of Lords. The government acknowledges that while the Commons is unlikely to reject the proposal, the Lords could pose a significant obstacle.Academic voices, such as Prof Anand Menon of the think‑tank UK in a Changing Europe, caution that the approach amounts to “integration with the EU by stealth,” stripping the UK of a vote on the rules it will be forced to follow. He describes the situation as “the ugly trade‑off of Brexit,” where political control is sacrificed for economic access.Supporters counter that the bill will streamline the implementation of existing and future agreements, with any regulatory disputes to be settled by an independent tribunal rather than an EU court. They argue this balances the need for swift economic action with the preservation of constitutional safeguards.Prime Minister Keir Starmer has framed the initiative as part of a broader “reset” of UK‑EU relations, emphasizing a strategic partnership that deepens trade and defence cooperation while avoiding a return to the customs union or single market membership. The government stresses that Parliament will still play its “full constitutional role” in scrutinising the legislation.

Roberto De Zerbi arrived on the pitch barely half an hour before kick‑off, his black padded gilet pulled up to the neck against a biting Wearside wind. By the final whistle the chill had eased, but Tottenham’s morale had plummeted.Sunderland’s 1‑0 victory not only cemented the visitors’ place in the league’s bottom three, it also lifted Régis Le Bris’s side to 10th place with six matches left in the campaign.Facing his third managerial appointment in a single season, De Zerbi urged his squad to rediscover the high‑risk attacking ethos of former boss Ange Postecoglou – a vision that remained frustratingly out of reach on a day dominated by low‑tempo play.Long‑time Tottenham midfielder Antonin Kinsky made a rare return after his brief, infamous cameo in a 5‑2 Champions League loss to Atlético Madrid. His comeback was cut short when a second‑half head clash forced his substitution for the inexperienced Brandon Austin.Goalkeeper Guglielmo Vicario, still recovering from hernia surgery, was expected to be tested. Sunderland’s Granit Xhaka delivered a sharply inswinging corner, but Kinsky calmly palmed the ball over the bar, keeping Spurs in the game.A potential penalty for Tottenham was overturned after VAR review; replays showed Omar Alderete had won the ball cleanly, while Randal Kolo Muani’s appeal proved unfounded.Richarlison offered brief flashes of quality but failed to convert his chances, and Dutch striker Brian Brobbey – described as a “human bulldozer” – was unable to capitalise on Enzo Le Fée’s incisive passes, despite a lone fine save from the Sunderland keeper.De Zerbi’s frustration was palpable. After Dominic Solanke’s weak finish allowed Sunderland’s Robin Roefs to deny a golden‑chance in stoppage‑time, the manager pulled his gilet up over his eyes, perhaps to shield himself from the disappointment.Mid‑second‑half, former Paris Saint‑Germain defender Nordi Mukiele, back from injury, struck a 20‑yard shot that deflected off centre‑back Micky van de Ven. The ball’s change of direction left the goal‑mouth ambiguous, sparking a debate over whether the goal should be credited to Mukiele or recorded as an own‑goal.The match’s physical intensity escalated when Brobbey’s challenge led to a painful collision between Kinsky and Cristian Romero, forcing both players off – Romero in tears with a leg injury. De Zerbi also expressed anger that Brobbey, already booked, escaped a second yellow card.Despite a flurry of substitutions, Tottenham struggled to pose serious questions to Sunderland’s defence, leaving the club’s relegation hopes hanging by a thread as the season draws to its final stretch.

The global energy crisis has been labeled 'the mother of all crises' by Turkish Energy Minister Alparslan Bayraktar, as tensions in the Strait of Hormuz continue to escalate. The crisis, sparked by Iran's retaliatory blocking of the strait, has significant implications for global energy supplies and security.Bayraktar, in an exclusive interview with Al Jazeera Arabic, highlighted the importance of diversifying energy routes to mitigate the impact of such crises. He noted that Turkey, with its strategic location between Asia and Europe, has become a pivotal country in the region, hosting key pipelines such as the 'Blue Stream' and 'TurkStream'.The minister emphasized that Turkey is well-suited to weather the crisis, with sufficient strategic energy reserves, including gas storage facilities that are 72 percent full, compared to Europe's 28 percent. However, he warned that rising oil and gas prices still burden the state budget, with an increase of $1 per barrel costing Ankara approximately $400 million.Bayraktar also discussed the potential for a new energy architecture to emerge, driven by the need for diversification. He proposed several projects, including the transportation of Turkmen gas across the Caspian Sea to Turkey and Europe, extending the Iraq-Turkey oil pipeline to reach Basra, and constructing a natural gas pipeline from Qatar to Turkey.The crisis has significant economic implications, with oil prices potentially rising to $200 per barrel in a worst-case scenario, which could lead to another global recession. Bayraktar stressed the importance of a lasting peace in the region to stabilize energy markets and prevent further economic damage.

Turkey has emerged as the world’s most aggressive adopter of grid‑scale battery storage, with more than 33 GW approved since 2022, according to a new Ember analysis. That figure dwarfs the total planned and operational capacity of leading EU nations such as Germany and Italy, which together sit at roughly 12‑13 GW.The surge reflects a 2022 mandate that grants preferential grid access to renewable projects that pair generation with an equal amount of storage. Of the 221 GW of battery projects submitted, Turkey has green‑lit 33 GW—equivalent to about 83% of its current wind and solar capacity. Only Romania in the EU shows a higher storage‑to‑renewable ratio.Policy analyst Ufuk Alparslan of Ember described the move as a “massive investment signal” that could make Turkey the backbone of a new, clean regional energy hub, especially ahead of the Cop31 climate summit in Antalya this November.Cost declines have been a key catalyst: the price of solar panels and battery packs has fallen by nearly 90% over the past decade, unlocking affordable, reliable power for countries in the global south. University of Wisconsin‑Madison researcher Greg Nemet noted that this price plunge creates “a tremendous opportunity for a cheap, clean and reliable energy system.”Despite the battery boom, Turkey’s energy mix remains heavily coal‑dependent, with coal accounting for 34% of electricity generation last year. The nation generates roughly one‑fifth of its power from wind and solar—higher than any Middle Eastern or Central Asian country but still below the European average.Turkey aims to boost installed wind and solar capacity to 120 GW by 2035, up from the current 40 GW. However, the 6.5 GW added in the most recent year fell short of the 8 GW needed to stay on track, highlighting implementation challenges.Alparslan cautioned that the ambitious battery pipeline faces hurdles, including permit bottlenecks and reliance on volatile spot‑market electricity prices. Moreover, Turkey’s extensive hydropower resources lessen the immediate need for large‑scale batteries compared with many European states.Nevertheless, the country’s decisive policy stance sends a clear message: even as the global fossil‑fuel crisis intensifies—exacerbated by geopolitical tensions such as the Iran‑Hormuz conflict—Turkey is positioning itself at the forefront of the clean‑energy transition.

In a marked escalation, Israeli airstrikes have intensified across Lebanon while ground forces push further into contested zones. The renewed bombardment underscores a deepening of the offensive, raising concerns about broader regional stability and civilian impact.

Gaza City, Gaza – While Easter traditionally celebrates resurrection and renewal, Gaza’s dwindling Christian population spent the holiday in quiet reflection, confronting displacement, scarcity and the trauma of a conflict the United Nations has described as genocide. The enclave is home to fewer than 1,000 Christians, a community already small before the war that has suffered heavy casualties; more than 72,000 Palestinians have been killed since Israel’s offensive began on 7 October 2023. Inside the remaining churches, prayers and modest services carried profound meaning as families clung to hope for survival and peace. Yet basic necessities—electricity, water and food—remain in short supply, and even traditional Easter items such as eggs are virtually unavailable. Fouad Ayad, a bio‑energy trainer displaced from near al‑Rantisi Children’s Hospital, described searching the markets of Gaza City for eggs without success. “We decorate eggs for the children, and sometimes Muslim children visit us for colourful eggs,” he told Al Jazeera, highlighting the inter‑communal bonds that persist despite the siege. Shortages have also erased the customary communal lunch. “Meat is scarce and extremely expensive,” Ayad lamented, recalling how families once gathered to share meals, colour eggs and visit elderly neighbours of all faiths. The Church of the Holy Family, which Ayad once attended, has been struck multiple times. “Three of my relatives were killed in one attack, and another strike killed more than 20 Christians,” he recounted, illustrating the direct targeting of places of worship. Attendance at Easter services in Gaza’s sole Catholic church has dwindled as many believers have fled the Strip. Yet, as one worshipper put it, “We only performed the prayers, refusing to celebrate because of our martyrs,” affirming their resolve to remain rooted in the land despite the devastation. Israeli restrictions have prevented Christians from traveling to the Old City of East Jerusalem to attend the Holy Sepulchre for the past two years. Recent attempts by Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa to enter the site were initially blocked, only to be reversed after international outcry. Elias al‑Jelda, a 60‑year‑old Orthodox council member, recounted sheltering in the Church of the Holy Family after his home was destroyed. “I lost friends, neighbours and relatives, many killed while staying close to their homes and faith,” he said, underscoring the personal toll of the conflict. Traditional Easter treats—coloured eggs, kahk, maamoul and Eidiya gifts—are largely absent this year. “There are no eggs anywhere in the Strip,” reported 74‑year‑old Amal al‑Masri, who recalled pre‑war celebrations filled with shared meals and festive sweets. Power outages compound the hardship. “Electricity continues to be a major problem, and the soaring cost of diesel and generator oil makes it worse,” al‑Jelda warned, highlighting the broader infrastructure collapse affecting all Gazans. Despite the bleak circumstances, the remaining Christians affirm their identity and solidarity with the broader Palestinian population. “No matter what your political agenda or religion is, all of us Palestinians are targeted by the occupation,” a worshipper declared, encapsulating the collective sense of victimhood and resilience.

In what can only be described as a humiliating exit, Liverpool were beaten 4‑0 by Manchester City in the FA Cup quarter‑final, a result that has thrown the future of manager Arne Slot into further doubt.The Etihad crowd watched City dominate from the first whistle, with Erling Haaland completing a hat‑trick by the 57th minute. The Norwegian’s third came from open play after a series of defensive lapses, sealing a comprehensive victory that left Liverpool supporters emptying the upper tiers of the South Stand.Liverpool’s own chances were squandered. Mohamed Salah missed a late penalty, a rare misfire that underscored his waning influence. Earlier, Virgil van Dijk conceded his fourth penalty of the season – a stark contrast to the single penalty he had given up in his previous 319 Premier League appearances for the club.Mid‑fielder Dominik Szoboszlai offered a blunt self‑assessment after the match, stating, “The fighting spirit wasn’t there enough, the mentality wasn’t there enough. None of us were there to be honest as much as we could.” His words captured the collective lack of resolve that defined Liverpool’s performance.Beyond the immediate disappointment, the defeat raises the stakes for Slot’s upcoming Champions League quarter‑final first leg against Paris Saint‑Germain. With Liverpool still carrying the Premier League’s highest wage bill, the club’s hierarchy and fans will be watching closely to see whether the team can salvage the season or face a deeper crisis.The match exposed systemic issues: a static defense that allowed City’s left‑back Antoine Semenyo and striker Erling Haaland to exploit gaps, a goalkeeper positioning that appeared indecisive, and a general absence of leadership on the pitch. As the season progresses, the spotlight remains firmly on Slot, whose tenure now hinges on a single chance to revive Liverpool’s dwindling fortunes.

An Israeli airstrike in the Gaza Strip resulted in the deaths of a father and his two‑year‑old son, according to a report from Al Jazeera dated March 31, 2026. The incident highlights the persistent risk to civilians amid ongoing hostilities between Israel and Hamas. While the specific location of the strike was not disclosed, the loss of a child has intensified international scrutiny over the proportionality of military operations in densely populated areas. Humanitarian groups have repeatedly warned that such casualties can exacerbate humanitarian crises and fuel further resentment among the local population. Analysts note that civilian deaths, especially of children, often shape diplomatic narratives and can influence foreign policy responses. Each civilian casualty not only deepens the human tragedy but also complicates efforts toward ceasefire negotiations and post‑conflict reconstruction. The incident arrives at a time when both sides are under pressure to adhere to international humanitarian law. Observers stress that protecting non‑combatants is a legal and moral imperative that, if ignored, could lead to broader regional instability. As the situation evolves, the international community is likely to monitor the incident closely, with potential implications for aid delivery, diplomatic engagements, and future military strategies in the region.

Beirut, Lebanon – On 24 March, Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi announced that Iran’s ambassador to Lebanon, Mohammad Reza Sheibani, was declared persona non grata and ordered to depart by 29 March. Two days after the deadline, the envoy remained in Beirut, refusing to leave. The episode unfolds against a broader conflict that has already claimed more than 1,000 lives and displaced over 1.2 million people within a single month of Israeli military action in Lebanon. It also highlights a deepening schism in Lebanese politics between supporters of the pro‑Iranian Shia militia Hezbollah and those demanding its disarmament. Imad Salamey, a political scientist at the Lebanese American University, told Al Jazeera that the ambassador’s defiance is a symptom of a larger contest over legitimacy and authority. IRGC’s Strategic Role Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) helped forge Hezbollah in 1982 as a response to Israel’s invasion. Over the decades, Tehran’s billions of dollars in funding elevated Hezbollah to Lebanon’s most powerful political and military force. Hezbollah’s popularity peaked in 2000 after driving Israeli forces from south Lebanon, but subsequent engagements—including the 2006 war, the 2008 Beirut street battles, the Syrian civil war, and the 2019 domestic protests—have eroded its broader support. When Hezbollah entered open conflict with Israel on 8 October 2023, it enjoyed limited backing beyond the Shia community. By the November 2024 cease‑fire, the group was at a low point, with Israel having killed more than 4,000 Lebanese, including leader Hassan Nasrallah and much of Hezbollah’s command. International pressure then mounted for Hezbollah’s disarmament, prompting Prime Minister Nawaf Salam and President Joseph Aoun to prioritize the issue. According to several analysts, the IRGC exploited the cease‑fire lull to dispatch officials to Lebanon, restructuring Hezbollah’s command and possibly ordering its re‑entry into the war on 2 March—just days after Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei was assassinated. Prime Minister Salam has publicly claimed the IRGC is “managing the military operation in Lebanon” and even accused Tehran of launching an attack on Cyprus. Ambassador Refuses to Exit In response to the perceived IRGC influence, Raggi’s declaration stripped Sheibani of diplomatic immunity. Dania Arayssi, senior analyst at the New Lines Institute, described the move as a “landmark decision” given Iran’s entrenched role in Lebanese politics. Iran’s Foreign Ministry, however, maintains that Sheibani will not depart, and Hezbollah has openly pledged to protect him, warning that any government attempt to disarm the militia will be met with “punishment.” Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri—longtime Hezbollah ally—initially backed the government’s ban on Hezbollah’s military activity after the March re‑entry, illustrating the fluidity of alliances within Lebanon’s power‑sharing system. State Authority Tested Hezbollah’s renewed campaign, which includes dozens of cross‑border attacks and direct engagements with Israeli forces on Lebanese soil, is reshaping the political calculus. The militia’s revived confidence challenges the Lebanese government’s ability to enforce disarmament. While the ambassador remains protected inside the Iranian diplomatic compound—effectively beyond the reach of Lebanese law—critics argue that Tehran’s refusal to honor the expulsion order undermines the state’s authority, already weakened by months of war. Salamey summed up the dilemma: “The state is asserting its authority on paper, but internal divisions and competing claims of legitimacy constrain its practical power, testing the limits of Lebanon’s fragile power‑sharing arrangement.”