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Friko, the Chicago‑based indie outfit, is gearing up for the launch of their second LP, Something Worth Waiting For, slated for 24 April. The record, described as a “radiant ramble” through modern indie rock, reflects the band’s recent touring experiences and explores themes of yearning, growth, and stability.The lead single, "Choo Choo", bursts with a road‑trip vibe, pairing vocalist‑guitarist Niko Kapetan’s urgent, quavering delivery with guitarist Korgan Robb’s atmospheric riffs. Critics note a vocal timbre reminiscent of Modest Mouse’s Isaac Brock and Sparks’ Russell Mael, while the track’s lyrical nods to classic American road food add a playful, homespun charm.Since their 2024 debut Where We’ve Been, Where We Go From Here, Friko has expanded from a duo (Kapetan and drummer Bailey Minzenberger) to a full four‑piece, adding Robb and touring bassist David Fuller. The new album also benefits from the touch of Grammy‑winning producer John Congleton, known for work with Mannequin Pussy, The Mountain Goats, and St Vincent. His influence shines on the Bowie‑esque chamber‑pop ballad "Seven Degrees", underscoring the group’s evolving sound.In addition to the album news, the Guardian’s weekly Add to Playlist roundup spotlights a curated selection of fresh tracks. Highlights include Wallis’s techno‑laden “Biscuit,” Beth Orton’s intense “The Ground Above,” Toronto pop‑star Chxrry’s catchy “Hall of Fame,” and a collaborative anti‑immigrant‑detention compilation track by Wendy Eisenberg’s trio Darlin’. The list also features Jeff Parker’s hopeful “Like Swimwear (Part One)”, a dubstep‑rap hybrid “Duro” from Skrillex and Young Miko, and Cass McCombs’s garage‑rock anthem “Seeing the Elephant”.Listeners can stream the full playlist on Spotify, Apple Music, Tidal, or other services, ensuring the week’s most inventive indie and electronic releases are just a click away.

Maggie Aderin-Pocock, a space scientist and CEO of Science Innovation Ltd, says the one item she would take to the lunar surface is a hand‑sewn purple‑cloth alien crafted by her daughter during a GCSE textile project. The tiny creature, made on a loom, embodies her child's love and would serve as a reminder of family ties at the farthest point from Earth. Sheila Hancock, acclaimed actor and writer, would use the trip as a cultural boot‑camp. She plans to study the complete works of Shakespeare, the epic novel War and Peace, and the full symphonies of Mahler as interpreted by Claudio Abbado, hoping the immersion will "strengthen her weakening brain" and deepen her appreciation of human genius. Michael Akadiri, a stand‑up comedian and resident doctor, imagines a lighter itinerary: a stack of old birthday cards to revisit heartfelt messages, an old‑school notepad for real‑time reflections, and a handful of puff‑puff (Nigerian doughnuts) – a cheeky nod to his fitness‑obsessed friends. Michael Rosen, children’s author and broadcaster, would bring three nostalgic comforts: giant yellow Chilean raisins from W Martyn’s shop in Muswell Hill, an oval brown pebble from the alleyway of his teenage flat, and the “furry” blanket his wife gave him during his 2020 COVID‑19 ventilator stay, each item a tactile link to his past. Athena Kugblenu, writer and comedian, opts for practicality and humor. She would pack a pair of Crocs for comfort, the guidebook Contact by Carl Sagan as a potential alien‑communication manual, and a jar of shito sauce – a Ghanaian shrimp‑tomato condiment – to introduce extraterrestrials to Ghanaian flavor before they learn English profanity. Nels Abbey, writer and broadcaster, frames his selection as a morale‑boosting toolkit. He would carry excerpts from Gil Scott‑Heron’s "Whitey on the Moon" and stand‑up routines by Paul Mooney, using their cynical wit to cope with the psychological challenges of space travel. Collectively, the panel’s choices illustrate how personal history, artistic heritage and even culinary curiosity can anchor humanity during the most extraordinary voyages. Their whimsical yet heartfelt lists underscore the idea that, even beyond Earth, we remain tethered to the stories, flavors and objects that define us.

The United Nations‑backed Gang Suppression Force (GSF) announced on Wednesday that its first foreign troops have landed in Haiti, signalling a new phase in the international effort to tame the country’s spiralling gang warfare.An advance team of soldiers from Chad arrived in Port‑au‑Prince, accompanied by Jack Christofides, a South African UN official appointed to lead the mission’s operations on the ground.The deployment is the initial step of a force slated to expand to 5,500 personnel with a 12‑month mandate. The GSF was authorized by the UN Security Council last September as a replacement for the earlier Kenyan‑led multinational security mission, which has struggled with funding shortfalls, insufficient manpower and limited institutional backing.Unlike its predecessor, which was limited to supporting Haitian police, the new force will have the authority to make arrests and conduct direct operations against groups designated as gangs. The concept was first put forward by the United States and Panama to “neutralise, isolate and deter” criminal networks.During the Security Council vote, twelve members voted in favour of the force, while China, Russia and Pakistan abstained. Russia’s representative, Vassily Nebenzia, criticised the plan as “rushed” and warned that its broad language could enable abuses, noting that the mandate permits the use of force against anyone labelled a gang.Haiti’s recent history of foreign intervention adds a layer of sensitivity to the deployment. Past UN peacekeeping missions have been linked to a cholera outbreak that claimed roughly 10,000 lives after the 2010 earthquake, and UN personnel have faced accusations of sexual assault in earlier decades.Gang control has tightened dramatically since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse. Analysts estimate that up to 90 % of Port‑au‑Prince is now under gang influence, with around 26 criminal groups operating in the capital. The UN estimates that at least 16,000 people have been killed since 2022 and that more than 1.5 million have been displaced, many facing food insecurity. A recent human‑rights report recorded 5,519 gang‑related deaths and 2,608 injuries between March 2025 and mid‑January 2026, alongside reports of extrajudicial killings and sexual violence.The arrival of the GSF coincides with Haiti’s tentative steps toward a national election scheduled for August, where roughly 300 political parties and groups have registered. Acting Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils‑Aime has recently met with UN officials to discuss the new force’s role in stabilising the country ahead of the vote.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

As England prepares for their World Cup training camp in Miami on June 1, the recent international break has provided Thomas Tuchel with valuable insights into his squad. Despite a winless March, Tuchel has used these friendlies to experiment with different lineups and strategies.History shows that the performances in the last international break before a tournament can have a significant impact on the team's final selection and approach. Gareth Southgate used a March friendly against the Netherlands to fine-tune the system that took England to the semi-finals of the 2018 World Cup.However, it's not always clear-cut. In 2004, Sven-Göran Eriksson lost 1-0 to Sweden in March, and his experimental lineup was vastly different from the one that started against France at Euro 2004. Similarly, in 2006, Eriksson started Darren Bent in a 2-1 win against Uruguay but left him out of the World Cup squad two months later.The modern calendar, with its increased demands on Premier League teams, adds complexity to pre-tournament preparations. Tuchel faces challenges in managing player fatigue, especially with the expanded Champions League and Club World Cup. Despite these challenges, Tuchel remains confident that England will be ready for the World Cup in June.

After a prolonged period of uncertainty, the County Championship returns on Good Friday with renewed vigor, its schedule finally settled and the controversial three‑year Kookaburra ball trial abandoned.The England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB) is now trialling a full‑substitute system in domestic matches. Unlike the traditional “covering fielder” approach, a player can be replaced by a fully‑playing substitute for injury, illness or significant life events such as the birth of a child or a family health crisis.Alan Fordham, the ECB’s head of cricket operations, highlighted the change: “Most seasons we get three or four questions about a player being replaced to witness the birth of a child… the answer will now be yes.” He also recalled the Blair Tickner incident, where the New Zealander’s wife was diagnosed with leukaemia during a match, forcing him to continue playing with a ten‑man side.The substitute scheme is being tested at the ICC’s request, which asks member boards to experiment domestically before considering a similar rule for Test cricket. By allowing replacements for personal emergencies, the ECB has moved further than counterparts in India, Australia and South Africa.To curb potential abuse, any player replaced for illness or injury must observe an eight‑day “stand‑down” period before returning. Derbyshire head coach Mickey Arthur praised the intent but warned of loopholes, noting that the rule does not account for bye weeks, season‑ending fixtures or the transition from red‑ball to white‑ball cricket.Following a disappointing Ashes winter, the ECB is keen to restore the Championship’s relevance. Managing director Rob Key signalled that England‑team places are no longer guaranteed, urging county coaches and players to re‑engage.England head coach Brendon McCullum, speaking to counties via Zoom, stressed the competition’s value for talent identification, especially for players adept against high pace and spin. He also announced the return of Troy Cooley as the ECB’s pace‑bowling lead.Test captain Ben Stokes backed the message, urging players to seize the early weeks of the Championship as a platform for national selection: “It’s a great opportunity for a lot of people around the country… use it to push your case forward.”Enthusiasm is palpable across the counties. Glamorgan, back in Division One for the first time since 2005, aim to showcase their spinners. Lancashire chase promotion despite the late loss of Mitch Perry, while Surrey, Nottinghamshire and Warwickshire marshal their senior talent. Even clubs hit by setbacks—Leicestershire, plagued by injuries and the sudden withdrawal of captain Peter Handscomb, and Sussex, docked 12 points before the season began—remain determined as they kick off their fixtures at Grace Road.

Britain is confronting the most severe energy shock since the early 1970s, as exports of oil, gas and fertiliser from the Middle East have abruptly stopped. The government says a response plan exists, but details remain vague. It is unclear whether the UK is better prepared for the fallout from Donald Trump’s war with Iran than it was for the pandemic six years ago. Ministers are sending a "we have your back" message to the public while simultaneously signalling to financial markets that any assistance will be limited and targeted. Contingency planning is especially difficult when dealing with an unpredictable leader like Trump. Britain’s heavy reliance on imported energy and food means that reassurance can only hold for a short time. The economy entered the conflict already on shaky ground: unemployment rose steadily throughout 2025 and growth stalled to a virtual standstill in the final quarter of that year. The sudden loss of Middle‑East energy and fertiliser supplies now adds a colossal supply shock. Last year, Trump’s “liberation day” tariff hikes served as a dry run for a far more serious confrontation. This time, the war is taking place in a region that is both volatile and crucial to the global economy. In the past two weeks, the repercussions have been felt across Asia – the Philippines declared a state of emergency, Sri Lanka introduced a four‑day work week, and South Korea announced budget measures to help households cope with soaring energy bills. The continent is the most dependent on Gulf‑exported energy, making the impact there the sharpest. The International Monetary Fund warned that the shock will drive higher prices and slower growth worldwide. Shortages push fuel and food prices up, eroding disposable income, prompting businesses to cut staff, and increasing the risk of recession. The UK, already projected to be one of the poorest‑performing major economies in 2026, could see its fresh graduate cohort face a brutal job market. Trump’s claim that the war could end within two or three weeks appears desperate. Even a rapid cease‑fire would leave substantial collateral damage, creating a stagflation scenario that could hurt Republican prospects in the upcoming mid‑term elections. British officials hope a swift resolution will limit economic damage, allowing a short‑term inflation spike to subside and the Bank of England to resume interest‑rate cuts. Treasury plans include scrapping the planned autumn fuel‑duty rise and providing targeted help for the poorest households, though the path is unlikely to be that simple. Currently, the Treasury is hesitant to act boldly for fear of unsettling bond markets. History – the 2008 banking collapse and the 2020 pandemic – shows that governments can act decisively without triggering a market backlash, using tools such as aggressive rate cuts, increased borrowing, and quantitative easing. The Bank of England has warned of a "substantial negative supply shock" and is expected to soften markets for future rate cuts, which are inevitable. Finance Minister Rachel Reeves could mitigate labour‑market pain by reversing recent increases in employers’ National Insurance contributions, subsidising public transport, and even lowering speed limits to conserve energy. The war, like the pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, underscores the fragility of global supply chains and the need for greater British self‑reliance. Investing heavily in renewable energy is essential, but the UK also imports roughly 40% of its food and has not run a manufacturing trade surplus since 1982. In a world of disrupted supply lines, a robust plan for economic self‑sufficiency is more urgent than ever. Larry Elliott is a Guardian columnist.

England's preparations for the 2026 World Cup are underway, with manager Thomas Tuchel working to finalize his squad. Jordan Pickford remains the undisputed No 1 goalkeeper, while Harry Kane is irreplaceable up front. Declan Rice and Elliot Anderson look certain to start in midfield.The team's recent friendlies against Japan and Uruguay have provided some insights into Tuchel's plans. Marc Guéhi wore the captain's armband during the loss to Japan and is emerging as the senior centre-back. However, there are still many questions about the team's composition, particularly in defense and midfield.John Stones and Anthony Gordon face uncertain futures due to injuries and inconsistent form. Trent Alexander-Arnold continues to be overlooked by Tuchel, despite his exceptional talent. The manager has been experimenting with different players and formations, including Cole Palmer and Phil Foden in various roles.The article also mentions several players who are likely to miss out on the World Cup, including Fikayo Tomori, Myles Lewis-Skelly, and Ivan Toney. On the other hand, young players like Max Dowman and Archie Gray could be considered for wild-card picks.Tuchel's squad selection will be crucial in determining England's success in the 2026 World Cup. The team's predicted squad includes:Goalkeepers: Jordan Pickford, Dean Henderson, James Trafford.Defenders: Marc Guéhi, Ezri Konsa, John Stones, Harry Maguire, Nico O'Reilly, Lewis Hall, Reece James, Jarell Quansah, Tino Livramento.Midfielders: Declan Rice, Elliot Anderson, Jude Bellingham, Jordan Henderson, James Garner, Morgan Rogers.Forwards: Harry Kane, Bukayo Saka, Cole Palmer, Anthony Gordon, Eberechi Eze, Noni Madueke, Marcus Rashford, Danny Welbeck.

The UK is bracing for a potential third inflationary shock in less than a decade as the conflict between Iran and the US threatens to disrupt oil supplies. The Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway for global oil supplies, is at risk of being blocked, which could lead to a significant increase in oil prices. The impact of such a disruption would be felt globally, with Asia being particularly affected as it buys 80% of the oil transported through the strait. Countries in the region are already experiencing the effects, with governments imposing limits on driving and shortening working weeks to conserve energy. Populations are struggling with dramatic hikes in food prices and shortages of petrol and diesel. In Bangladesh, the government reportedly believes it will run out of oil and gas within weeks. To conserve fuel, some temples in Thailand have stopped cremations. The energy-supply storm may well hit the UK's shores just before next month's elections, prompting Keir Starmer to call Cobra meetings and Rachel Reeves to summon business leaders into Downing Street. The poorest households will be hit hardest by the inflationary shock, with food producers predicting prices will rocket nearly 10% this year. According to calculations done exclusively for this column by the Energy and Climate Intelligence Unit (ECIU), that will add £127 to the average household's annual food bill. However, the ECIU also notes that because the poorest spend proportionately more of their money on food, they will be hit far worse. The author suggests that the UK needs to adopt a more progressive approach to utility pricing, with a move away from fossil fuels and from the current system of ownership. The days of relying on a growth miracle are over, and the UK needs to focus on addressing the inequality and regressive utility pricing that will exacerbate the impact of the inflationary shock.