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More than 100 United States‑based international law scholars have signed an open letter denouncing the recent US‑Israeli strikes on Iran as a violation of the United Nations Charter and potentially amounting to war crimes. The letter, released on Thursday, asserts that the campaign – launched on February 28 – proceeded without UN Security Council authorization and without credible evidence of an imminent Iranian threat. According to the scholars, the legal basis for force against another state exists only in self‑defence against an actual or imminent armed attack, or when expressly sanctioned by the Security Council. Iran has not attacked the United States or Israel, and the Security Council did not approve the operation. The experts organize their concerns into four categories: the legality of the war decision, the conduct of hostilities, threatening rhetoric from senior officials, and what they describe as the dismantling of civilian‑protection safeguards within the US defence establishment under Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth’s “gloves‑off” approach. Among the most alarming incidents highlighted is the strike on a primary school in Minab, Iran on the first day of the conflict, which killed at least 175 people, the majority of them children. The letter also cites attacks on hospitals, water treatment facilities, and energy infrastructure, emphasizing that schools, health facilities, and homes have been targeted. The signatories condemn public statements by senior US officials, including a mid‑March remark by former President Donald Trump that the United States might strike Iran “just for fun,” and early‑March comments from Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth dismissing “stupid rules of engagement.” They argue that such rhetoric reflects an “alarming disrespect” for international humanitarian law, which is designed to protect civilians and combatants alike. Financially, the letter notes that the war is costing US taxpayers up to $2 billion per day, underscoring the broader economic burden of the conflict. The open letter was co‑authored by prominent legal scholars such as Yale Law School’s Oona Hathaway, former State Department legal adviser Harold Koh, NYU’s Philip Alston, and former Human Rights Watch chief Kenneth Roth. While the authors focus on the United States’ conduct, they warn of a heightened risk of atrocities throughout the region. Emphasizing the need for consistent application of international law, the scholars write: “We urge US government officials to uphold the UN Charter, international humanitarian law, and human rights law at all times, and to publicly make clear US commitment to and respect for norms of international law.”

Iranian military units have launched a coordinated search for the two pilots of a United States F‑15 fighter jet that was struck by an Iranian air‑defence system over the country's southwest region. The operation, reported by the state‑run Fars news agency, is the first documented crew‑recovery effort since the US‑Israeli war with Iran began on 28 February. State media released images showing the aircraft's wreckage, including an ejection seat attached to a parachute, underscoring the seriousness of the incident. Reuters cited two U.S. officials confirming that a fighter jet was downed and that a search‑and‑rescue mission is underway for any survivors. Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad‑Bagher Ghalibaf used the event to mock President Donald Trump’s repeated claims of victory, posting on social media that the conflict had been reduced from "regime change" to a plea for the location of the pilots. According to Iranian reports, the downed aircraft was an F‑15 likely crewed by two pilots. The Pentagon and U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) have not issued an immediate comment, a pattern consistent with past Iranian claims that CENTCOM swiftly denied. Local Iranian television broadcast footage of the jet's debris, and officials appealed to civilians to remain vigilant for any survivors. The governor of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer‑Ahmad province announced that anyone who captures the crew would receive special commendation, as relayed by the semi‑official ISNA news agency. U.S. lawmakers responded with statements of support. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer posted on X, "I’m praying for the safe return of the crew aboard the fighter jet and all of those working to rescue them in these dangerous conditions." Since the war's onset, the United States has reported the loss of three F‑15s in a friendly‑fire incident over Kuwait and a refuelling aircraft that crashed in Iraq, killing six crew members. Iran, meanwhile, claims to have downed dozens of U.S. drones and continues to assert that its new air‑defence system, introduced after the 12‑day war, remains operational. While President Trump and his advisers repeatedly assert that the United States has neutralised Iran’s air‑defences, the downing of the jet and the ensuing search highlight the ongoing volatility of the conflict.

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth instructed Army Chief of Staff General Randy A. George to step down with immediate effect, a move announced on X by Pentagon spokesperson Sean Parnell on Thursday. The statement said George would "retire from his position" but offered no explanation, a notable omission given the ongoing US‑Israel war against Iran.The abrupt removal adds to a string of high‑profile dismissals that have occurred since Hegseth assumed office in January. CBS first reported the decision, citing a source who said Hegseth seeks a leader who will execute his and President Donald Trump's strategic vision for the Army.Appointed in 2023 under former President Joe Biden, the 61‑year‑old General George brought extensive combat experience from Iraq and Afghanistan. During his tenure he was praised for cutting redundancies and championing new technologies such as low‑cost missile‑interceptor drones and artificial‑intelligence‑driven targeting systems.According to The New York Times, the firing may be tied to a dispute over Hegseth’s decision to block the promotion of four officers from a list of 29. While most of the blocked officers were white men, the two remaining were Black and two were women, prompting senior officers to question whether racial or gender bias influenced the action. When General George sought a meeting with Hegseth to discuss the matter, the defense secretary reportedly refused.In addition to George, Hegseth dismissed two other senior officials on Thursday: General David M. Hodne, head of the Army’s Transformation and Training Command responsible for modernization efforts, and Major General William Green Jr., the Army’s chief of chaplains. The Pentagon has not formally confirmed these removals, though the Joint Chiefs of Staff issued a tribute praising George’s decades of service.The personnel shake‑up unfolds against a broader backdrop in which US and Israeli officials have framed the Iran war as a religious undertaking. The Military Religious Freedom Foundation reported receiving complaints that senior commanders described the conflict as aiming to bring about “Armageddon” or the biblical “end times.”Earlier, in October, former Army Vice Chief of Staff General James J. Mingus retired a year ahead of schedule, with no reasons disclosed, adding to speculation about internal turbulence within the Pentagon.

The United States is expanding its military footprint in the Gulf as the US‑Israel war with Iran enters its second month. Since the Feb. 28 launch of Operation Epic Fury, a joint air campaign targeting Iranian military and nuclear sites, more than four weeks of strikes have resulted in thousands of casualties.Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced the deployment of a third aircraft carrier, the USS George HW Bush, joining the USS Abraham Lincoln, which is currently conducting daily combat sorties from the Arabian Sea, and the USS Gerald Ford, now under maintenance in Croatia.These carrier groups carry thousands of sailors, Marines and specialised support personnel, forming the core of the US’s power projection in the region.Carrier Strike Group (CSG) refers to an aircraft carrier plus its escort ships and support units that together function as a floating base. A typical CSG includes:An aircraft carrier60‑75 fighter jets and helicopters2‑4 Arleigh Burke‑class destroyersA guided‑missile cruiserA submarine for underwater protectionSupply shipsAs of April 1, the USS Abraham Lincoln remains the only carrier launching daily combat missions against Iranian targets, while the USS George HW Bush is en route and expected to eventually replace the Gerald Ford in the Mediterranean.Amphibious Ready Group (ARG) operates as a mini‑carrier, carrying US Marines and equipment for sea‑to‑land invasions. The USS Tripoli ARG arrived in the Middle East on March 27, and the USS Boxer ARG is expected to join the theater by mid‑April. An ARG typically comprises:Three specialised ships~2,200 Marines (a Marine Expeditionary Unit)Short‑takeoff aircraftLanding craft for beach assaultsThe key distinction: ARGs are built to land troops on shore, whereas CSGs are designed to project air power and conduct major naval warfare.A Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU) is a rapid‑response, self‑contained force of 2,200‑2,500 Marine Corps personnel capable of combat and humanitarian missions. On Friday, US Central Command confirmed that 2,200 Marines from the 31st MEU arrived in Middle Eastern waters after departing Sasebo, Japan, on March 13. A second unit, the 11th MEU with roughly 2,500 Marines, is inbound after leaving San Diego on March 18.The Pentagon has also ordered about 2,000 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division to move to the region, adding to the approximately 50,000 US troops already stationed in the Middle East.An MEU is organized into four elements:Command Element – ~200 personnel for planning and command‑and‑control.Ground Combat Element – ~1,200 troops centered on an infantry battalion with artillery and armoured vehicles.Aviation Combat Element – ~500 personnel operating transport helicopters, attack aircraft and Osprey tilt‑rotors.Logistics Combat Element – ~300 personnel providing up to 15 days of self‑sustainment, including medical, engineering and maintenance support.MEUs are typically deployed aboard a three‑ship ARG, which serves as a floating base. The ships include:Landing Helicopter Assault/Dock – a small carrier carrying short‑takeoff aircraft such as F‑35Bs and attack helicopters.Amphibious Transport Dock – a mid‑size vessel transporting troops and heavy vehicles.Dock Landing Ship – primarily for cargo and heavy equipment.MEUs can execute sea‑to‑land assaults, raids, evacuations, humanitarian aid and disaster‑relief operations, and they are often the first forces on the ground in emerging conflicts.The US Marine Corps maintains seven active MEUs; the 31st (Asia‑Pacific) and 11th (West Coast) are currently assigned to the Iran war. The other units are distributed as follows:East Coast: 22nd, 24th, 26th MEUWest Coast: 11th, 13th, 15th MEUAsia‑Pacific: 31st MEUTypically, three MEUs are forward‑positioned at any time, rotating through deployments in the Mediterranean, Gulf and Asia‑Pacific regions.Historically, MEUs have played pivotal roles in US operations: during the 2001 Afghanistan invasion, the 15th and 26th MEUs conducted one of the longest amphibious vertical insertions; in 2003‑2004 they helped secure Iraqi ports and fought in Fallujah; and in 2024 they provided sea‑based support for the attempted abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.

Israeli and U.S. forces launched a series of air strikes on Tuesday that struck Tofigh Daru Research and Engineering Company, one of Tehran’s largest producers of anaesthetics and anti‑cancer medicines. The state‑run firm, owned by the Social Security Investment Company, saw its drug‑production line damaged, according to an official post on X. In the north‑western city of Zanjan, a separate strike hit the Husseiniya Azam, a Shia congregation hall adjacent to a mosque. Iranian Red Crescent teams rescued two people from the rubble; one of the victims died and several others were injured. Further attacks were reported in the western province of Kermanshah, where a civilian contracting company in Qasr‑e Shirin – a border town with Iraq – was hit. One person was killed and eight injured, the Mehr news agency said. Heavy bombing was also confirmed in Isfahan, a strategic hub for Iran’s defence industry and home to key nuclear facilities such as Natanz. Local officials indicated that the strikes may have targeted “military sites,” though the exact locations and damage assessments remain unclear. Iranian officials condemned the operations. Former foreign minister Javad Zarif denounced the targeting of the pharmaceutical plant as a deliberate attack on a medical facility, calling the aggressors “desperate” and accusing them of “diabolical delusions.” Governor‑level security official Akbar Salehi echoed these concerns, noting that the strikes appeared aimed at military installations without specifying which ones. The broader conflict has already claimed 1,937 Iranian lives since the joint U.S.–Israeli campaign began on 28 February, while 20 Israelis have been killed. Recent Israeli interceptions using the Iron Dome and David’s Sling systems have limited damage on Israeli soil, but impact sites were reported in Tel Aviv, Bnei Brak and Petah Tikva. Amid the escalating violence, diplomatic channels remain active. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio told Al Jazeera that communications between Washington and Tehran continue, primarily through intermediaries, and that the U.S. aims to achieve its war objectives “in weeks, not months.” Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth added that negotiations to end the conflict are “very real, ongoing and gaining strength.” Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) claimed a retaliatory strike, saying it hit an Israeli container ship in the Gulf with a ballistic missile and that Iranian drones targeted a group of U.S. Marines near a UAE military base. Public sentiment in Iran has turned sharply hostile, with pro‑state demonstrations erupting in Tehran as citizens protest the continued air raids. The atmosphere, described by Al Jazeera’s Tohid Asadi as a “cloud of mistrust,” reflects growing frustration over diplomatic dead‑ends and the relentless cycle of attacks.

The United States Department of Defense has strongly denied allegations that a broker for Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth attempted to make a large investment in weapons companies in the run-up to the war on Iran. The denial comes after a report by The Financial Times claimed that a wealth manager for Hegseth contacted BlackRock about making a multimillion-dollar investment in a defence-related fund.Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell demanded the immediate retraction of the report, stating that the allegations were 'entirely false and fabricated.' He emphasized that neither Secretary Hegseth nor any of his representatives approached BlackRock about any such investment.The proposed investment was reportedly in an exchange-traded fund whose holdings include Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman. However, according to The Financial Times, the investment did not go ahead because the fund was not yet available for purchase at the time.The report has sparked scrutiny of well-timed trades in financial and prediction markets, fueling speculation that figures with insider knowledge may be profiting from US President Donald Trump's war plans.Despite the denial, the incident has raised concerns about the integrity of defence-related investments and the potential for insider trading.

The United States and Israel have launched a war against Iran that many observers label a monumental breach of international law, echoing the illegal aggression that began with Israel’s campaign in Gaza.According to recent reports, the Pentagon is ready to commit thousands of ground troops to the region, signaling a potential escalation that could last for weeks.Analysts warn that the conflict is poorly planned, especially given Iran’s capacity to disrupt shipping through the strategic Strait of Hormuz. The resulting choke‑choke on energy and essential commodities is already pushing the global economy toward a precarious edge, with Asian and African nations bearing the brunt of the fallout.History offers a stark warning. In 2003, the United States invaded Iraq on the premise of a swift campaign, a promise later proved hollow. The war extended for nearly nine years, costing $1.92 trillion in U.S. taxpayer money, claiming over 4,500 American lives, and contributing to more than half a million Iraqi deaths by 2006.Back then, the coalition assembled roughly 250,000 troops—including 150,000 from the United States and 46,000 from the United Kingdom—to invade a country far smaller than Iran. Today, the U.S. maintains about 50,000 troops in the Middle East, a modest increase of 10,000 over its usual presence, yet the objectives being discussed—occupying Iranian territory, seizing uranium stockpiles, and controlling key islands—appear overly ambitious.Israel’s role is also intensifying. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced an expansion of Israel’s security buffer in southern Lebanon, a region Israel occupied from 1982 to 2000. Since the 2024 cease‑fire with Hezbollah, Israel has reportedly violated the agreement around 10,000 times in its first year, suggesting that a weakened Iran could serve as a strategic boon for Israeli ambitions in Lebanon.For the United States, the war risks becoming a “Venezuela‑style” takeover that is far more complex than anticipated. As the conflict drags on and the prospect of U.S. ground combat looms, public support—already low—could erode further, potentially jeopardizing the political standing of President Trump ahead of the mid‑term elections.Critics argue that repeating the Iraq‑war playbook may not only fail to achieve its stated goals but could also hand strategic advantage to rival powers such as Russia or China, reshaping the balance of power in the Middle East.

Islamabad became the focal point of a new diplomatic track when the foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Egypt arrived this weekend, joining Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar. The quartet pledged to channel U.S. and Iranian confidence in Pakistan’s ability to host direct talks aimed at a comprehensive settlement. At the close of the meeting, Dar announced the creation of a Committee of Four—senior officials from each foreign ministry tasked with ironing out the procedural details of the peace process. The gathering marks the evolution of a broader Arab‑Islamic consultative effort that began in Riyadh on March 19 into a focused four‑nation push, with Pakistan positioned as the primary conduit between Washington and Tehran. In a candid interview with the Financial Times, U.S. President Donald Trump declared his “favourite thing is to take the oil in Iran,” hinting at a possible seizure of Kharg Island, which handles roughly 90 % of Iran’s crude exports. He reiterated an April 6 deadline for Tehran to accept a deal or face U.S. strikes on its energy infrastructure, yet on Air Force One he added, “I do see a deal in Iran, yeah. Could be soon,” describing the negotiations as “extremely well” progressing. Analysts stress that these mixed signals underscore the central tension confronting Pakistan’s initiative. While Islamabad and its partners are building a multilateral framework to curb escalation, Israeli strikes continue and the U.S. military presence in the region expands. Key diplomatic insights came from former Pakistani officials. Former information minister Mushahid Hussain Sayed highlighted the meeting as the first institutional Muslim‑world effort to open a dialogue pathway, noting that Pakistan and Turkey are among the most credible interlocutors—one a nuclear power, the other a NATO member. He cautioned, however, that the steps are “baby steps” in a war that is rapidly complicating. Former ambassador Masood Khan described the Committee of Four as a structured back‑channel enabling a “step‑by‑step, layered, and calibrated process.” He outlined four potential stages: trust‑building measures, cease‑fire negotiations, direct talks on the nuclear programme and the Strait of Hormuz, and finally reciprocal commitments. Khan warned that Iran’s demands for war reparations and sovereignty over the Strait could prove the toughest hurdles. High‑level outreach extended beyond the region. Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif held a 90‑minute call with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, while China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi pledged full backing for the initiative. A senior Pakistani diplomat confirmed Dar’s planned visit to China on March 31, underscoring the strategic weight of the Pakistan‑China relationship. On the economic front, Iran’s agreement to allow 20 Pakistani‑flagged vessels through the Strait of Hormuz represents the most immediate confidence‑building measure. The strait remains effectively closed to regular shipping, prompting the International Energy Agency to label the disruption as the “worst oil shock in history,” surpassing the crises of 1973 and 1979. Brent crude surged above $116 per barrel, up more than 50 % since the war began on February 28, while WTO Director‑General Ngozi Okonjo‑Iweala warned of the “worst trade disruptions in the past 80 years.” Nevertheless, experts argue that the Strait should not become the centerpiece of any settlement. The long‑term resolution will likely involve all eight littoral states under UNCLOS and established legal precedents, with the immediate priority being a broader halt to hostilities. Military dynamics remain volatile. U.S. Central Command reported that an amphibious task force of roughly 3,500 Marines and sailors aboard the USS Tripoli arrived in the region, with an additional 2,200 Marines and 2,000 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division slated to deploy. Trump affirmed that military options are still on the table, and reports suggest the Pentagon is preparing for potential ground operations. Iran’s leadership remains skeptical. A spokesperson for Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs described the U.S. 15‑point plan—calling for a one‑month cease‑fire, handover of highly enriched uranium, a halt to enrichment, missile curbs, and an end to proxy support—as “unrealistic, illogical and excessive.” Tehran’s counter‑proposal, aired on Press TV, demands a halt to aggression, concrete guarantees against recurrence, reparations, and formal recognition of Iranian sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz. Analysts such as Reza Khanzadeh of George Mason University argue that the burden of compromise falls on Washington, noting that Iran will not sacrifice regime survival. Meanwhile, former diplomat Masood Khan identified the most decisive confidence‑building measure as a U.S. commitment to halt Israeli attacks on Iran and Lebanon—a step he admits is “easier said than done.” In sum, Pakistan’s diplomatic corridor offers a glimmer of hope, but deep mistrust, divergent demands, and an accelerating military buildup render the path to a lasting settlement precarious.

A significant generational divide has emerged among conservatives at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) in Texas, as the group's leaders plead for unity ahead of a challenging midterm election year for Republicans. The divide centers on the US war with Iran, with younger conservatives expressing disappointment and even 'betrayal' over Donald Trump's launch of strikes against Iran.Younger conservatives argue that Trump's actions run counter to his campaign pledges to oppose foreign entanglements. In contrast, older conservatives are looking past Trump's campaign criticism of military action, arguing that the war in Iran is a pragmatic act forced by threats to the US.The conference, usually a place of optimism, was marked by anxiety over the Iran war, with attendees debating the direction of the Maga movement. The absence of Trump, who is apparently consumed with the war in Iran, was also notable.Meanwhile, Iran has accused the US of plotting a ground assault while publicly seeking talks, as the war enters its second month. The conflict has killed thousands of people and caused significant disruptions to global energy supplies.In related news, US lawmakers are reacting to reports that the Pentagon is preparing for ground operations in Iran, with some expressing concerns about the objectives and execution of such operations.